Destroying a man who loves his country and the Americans is a mortal sin. Nearly seventy-five million people voted for this man Donald Trump, the highest number of votes for a sitting president ever. To this day, the mainstream media and countless political leaders show what their daily actions are to bring about President Trump's fall. He was impeached twice by a majority in Congress but not in the Senate. How is Trump now? Will he return as president in 2024, or will he become the great leader of the Republican Party? Trumpism is alive and kicking. And the mainstream media? Will they change their attitude? Will there be a change? I doubt they will ever change; they will remain using their weapons as framing and false reporting, but changing their attitude in the near future is inescapable.

According to the media, Donald Trump could never become president. Now many are on a mission to prove he shouldn’t be president. The Trump administration and the press are at war—and as in any war, the first casualty has been truth. Bestselling author Howard Kurtz, host of Fox News’s Media Buzz and former Washington Post columnist, offers a stunning exposé of how supposedly objective journalists, alarmed by Trump’s success, have moved into the opposing camp. Kurtz’s exclusive, in-depth, behind-the-scenes interviews with reporters, anchors, and insiders within the Trump White House reveal the unprecedented hostility between the media and the president they cover. In Media Madness, you’ll learn: Why White House strategist Steve Bannon told Trump he is in danger of being impeached How the love-hate relationship between the president and Morning Joe hosts—Joe Scarborough and Mika Brzezinski—turned entirely to hate How Kellyanne Conway felt betrayed by journalists who befriended her—and how she fought back How elite, mainstream news reporters—named and quoted—openly express their blatant contempt for Trump How Bannon tried to block short-lived Communications Director Anthony Scaramucci—and why Trump soured on him How Ivanka and Jared Kushner aren’t the liberals the pundits want them to be—and why Trump tried to discourage them from joining the White House Why Trump believes some journalists harbor hatred for him—and how some liberals despise his voters How Trump is a far more pragmatic politician than the press often acknowledges (and how the press dismisses his flip-flops when he flops their way) What Trump got wrong about Charlottesville—and how Steve Bannon predicted the debacle How the media consistently overreached on the Russian “collusion” scandal Why Trump actually likes journalists, secretly meets with them, and allows the press unprecedented access Why Reince Priebus couldn’t do his job—and the real reason he left the White House How Sean Spicer privately berated journalists for bad reporting—and why he and Kellyanne Conway were relentlessly attacked by the media Never before has there been such an eye-opening, shocking look at what the White House and the media think about each other. It’s not pretty. But it also makes for the most important political book of the year.

This book explores Donald Trump’s political communication as a candidate and in the first two years in office. The 45th US President is dominating the media system and 'building the agenda' through the combined action of five strategies. He disintermediates his communication and manufactures a permanent campaign climate based on strong and inflammatory language to attract a constant and decisive media coverage. In disarticulating old-style political rhetoric, he privileges emotions over contents, slogans above thought. Trump’s jokes, mockeries and distinct rhetoric – showing similarities to rhetorical strategies of Nazis during the 1930s – help him impersonate the populist ‘everyday man’ who fights against the elites. His dominance of the news cycle also reflects a desire for higher TV ratings and Web traffic numbers. Essentially, Trump has critically exploited the media’s news logics and taken advantage of the American public's lack of trust in journalism.

I characterize the news media as underestimating Donald Trump, and "The truth is that I wasn't pro-Trump at all, I was pro-reality," "It turns out they were the ones who failed to recognize what was unfolding before their eyes," It was the most catastrophic media failure in a generation." For nearly three decades, I worked at The Washington Post and in the 1990s I emergd as one of the nation's foremost media chroniclers. I have authored several books -- on topics ranging from the rise of talk radio to President Bill Clinton's press shop to and the network news wars -- and had a high profile perch as host of CNN's Reliable Sources. During the campaign, I charged the news media with "anti-Trump "bias" and last year I said anchors had crossed the line in their coverage of the new president. "Donald Trump is staking his presidency, as he did his election, on nothing less than destroying the credibility of the news media; and the media are determined to do the same to him," Many news organizations are "no longer making much attempt to hide their contempt" for the president. Howard Kurtz

In President Trump and the News Media: Moral Foundations, Framing, and the Nature of Press Bias in America, political communication researcher Jim A. Kuypers takes readers on a rhetorical framing tour de force, this time incorporating elements of Moral Foundations Theory to investigate the ideological underpinnings of press reports. Using a rhetorical version of framing analysis, Kuypers analyzes four major speeches by President Trump and compares them with the reporting on those speeches by the mainstream news media. The moral foundations of both Trump and the news media are examined to assess their respective moral/ideological underpinnings. The results turn framing theory on its head by demonstrating how frames do not give rise to moral assessments as previously thought, but rather the presence of moral foundations provide moral substance to frames as they are developed and found throughout news coverage. The results reveal how journalists inject bias consciously and unconsciously into hard news stories, and that their moral foundations act to privilege liberal concerns and denigrate conservative concerns. Kuypers conveys how news media framing acted to treat President Trump not as a source of news, but as a political opponent while at the same time helping the political opposition of the President. By evaluating journalistic practices through the lens of their own published ethical standards, Kuypers argues that contemporary journalistic practices are damaging the American Republic and makes the case for immediate incorporation of viewpoint diversity within news organizations. Scholars of communications, journalism, and political science will find this book particularly interesting.

Donald Trump might have been the loudest and most powerful voice maligning the integrity of news media in a generation, but his unrelenting attacks draw from a stew of resentment, wariness, cynicism, and even hatred toward the press that has been simmering for years. At one time, journalism's centrality in reporting and interpreting important events was relatively unquestioned when a limited number of channels and voices produced a consensus-based news environment. The collapse of this environment has sparked a moment of reckoning within and outside journalism, particularly as professional news outlets struggle to remain solvent. Alternative voices compete for attention with and criticize the work and motivations of journalists, even as a growing number of journalists question their core norms and practices. News After Trump considers these struggles over journalism to be about the very relevance of journalism as an institutional form of knowledge production. At the heart of this questioning is a struggle to define what truthful accounts look like and who ought to create them or determine them in a rapidly changing media culture. Through an extensive accounting of Trump's relationship with the press, and drawing on in-depth interviews with journalists and textual analysis of news events, editorials, social media, and trade-press discussions, the book rethinks the relevance of journalism by recognizing the limits of objectivity and the way in which journalism positions certain actors as authority figures while rendering the less socially powerful invisible or flawed. This ethos of detachment has staved off vital questions about how journalism connects to its audiences, how it creates enduring value in people's lives (or not), and how diversity needs to be understood jointly at the level of production, reporting, and audience in order to rebuild trust.

Like politics, journalism has been turned topsy-turvy by the presidency of Donald Trump. Covering Politics in the Age of Trump takes a wide-ranging view of the relationship between the forty-fifth president and the Fourth Estate. In concise, illuminating, and often personal essays, twenty-four top journalists address topics such as growing concerns about political bias and journalistic objectivity; increasing consternation about the media’s use of anonymous sources; the practices journalists employ to gain access to wary administration officials; and reporters’ efforts to improve journalism in an era of twenty-four-hour cable news. Contributors include: Mark Ballard, Peter Bhatia, Rebecca Buck, Carl Cannon, Jill Colvin, Charlie Cook, McKay Coppins, Mary C. Curtis, Paul Farhi, Quint Forgey, Major Garrett, Ginger Gibson, “Fin” Gomez, Jesse J. Holland, Clark Hoyt, Sarah Isgur, Mark Leibovich, Ashley Parker, Fernando Pizarro, Tom Rosenstiel, Frank Sesno, Alexis Simendinger, Steve Thomma, and Salena Zito. The Trump administration’s contentious relationship with the media has altered the public’s expectations regarding the news and national politics. In Covering Politics in the Age of Trump, top political reporters explore this dynamic, relaying stories from the campaign trail to the briefing room that illustrate the new challenges faced by journalists working in the age of “fake news.”