Using a multi-national and multi-archival approach to this diplomatic history study, the author examines comprehensively and in great detail for the first time the origins of the so-called Okinawa Problem. Also inlcludes four maps.

Six decades after the end of the occupation of mainland Japan, this volume approaches the theme of the occupation’s legacies. Rather than just being a matter of administrative practices and international relations, the consequences of the US occupation of Japan transcended both the seven years of its formal duration and the bilateral relations between the two countries. Rich with fresh analyses on a range of topics, including transnational and comparative views on the occupation, the influence of Japan on the United States as well as the reverse, international perspectives on this “odd couple”, and the memory of the occupation in both countries, this book provides a greater understanding of the transtemporal, transnational and transcultural legacies of one of the crucial events of the 20th century.

Like my two other books about security and territorial issues in the U.S.-Japan relationship, The Origins of the Bilateral Okinawa Problem: Okinawa in U.S.-Japan Relations, 1945-19523 and The Return of the Amami Islands: The Reversion Movement and U.S.-Japan Relations, 4 this is first and foremost a study on the "intra-alliance" dynamics in which one country, the United States, continued to occupy and administer islands that were recognized as Japanese territory but, for a number of reasons, the United States and its wartime allies felt necessary to continue to administer. The longer this control continued, the more unnecessary it was seen by increasingly larger segments of the public and government of both countries due to the political erosion of the relationship caused by this friction. The question for policy makers and political leaders was finding the balance between security concerns, reversion demands, and national sentiment (in both countries), particularly as it related to the memory and sacrifices at Iwo Jima, in an effort to maintain friendly and cooperative relations. Eventually, the U.S. government agreed to Japanese requests to return the islands and this was done on 26 June 1968, a full four years prior to the even more problematic, but strategically important, Okinawa.

"State Department's desire to uphold the Atlantic Charter by rejecting territorial expansion; Amamian activists' assertive argument for reversion to Japanese rule; and the Japanese government's work to reach an agreement with the United States. Eldridge draws on original documents from the reversion movement, several volumes of memoirs and remembrances written by participants in the movement, and numerous declassified documents of the Japanese and U.S. governments.

Ownership of the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea is disputed between China and Japan, though historically the islands have been part of Okinawa, the southernmost islands of the Japanese archipelago. The dispute, which also involves Taiwan, has the potential to be a flashpoint between the two countries if relations become more strained, especially as the exploitation of gas reserves in the adjoining seabed is becoming an increasingly important issue. A key aspect of the dispute is the attitude of the United States, which, surprisingly, has so far refrained from committing itself to supporting the claims of one side or the other, despite its long-standing, strong alliance with Japan. This book charts the development of the Senkaku Islands dispute, and focuses in particular on the negotiations between the United States and Japan prior to the handing back to Japan in 1972 of Okinawa. The book shows how the detailed progress of these negotiations was critical in defining the United States' neutral attitude to the dispute and the problems this position presents.

Dynamism in Sino-Japanese relations, of which the Diaoyu/Diaoyutai Islands dispute constitutes a major part, has greatly overshadowed not only prospects of positive collaboration between China and Japan, but also regional order in East Asia. On the surface, the essence of the dispute focused on sovereignty, which entails competition for maritime resources development and strategic access to the adjacent waters as a critical transportation and military route. What lies at the crux, however, is the conflict between different sets of values, which lead and shape their interpretations of international treaties, changes of governments, and impacts of this upon these Asian states’ attitudes toward how “sovereignty” and “territory” should be understood in contemporary Asia. The Diaoyu/Diaoyutai Islands dispute has lapsed into dormancy, since intense discussions in the period from 2010 to 2012. However, the disagreement is far from being resolved. This book draws on structural issues underlying the on-going dispute, along with the concomitant, multifaceted challenges that need to be investigated. At a juncture when the prospect of the Sino-Japanese relations remains gloomy, this book provides conceptual and practical insights invaluable to the field of law, history and politics, shedding light on the refinement of relevant international law and rules of engagement in a normative sense.