Ceded at Dawn identifies and examines decolonization as the principal source of the smoldering tension that persisted between the two former United Nations Trust Territories in Cameroon which finally exploded into an armed conflict in 2017. French Cameroon (now the Republic of Cameroon) was decolonized while the decolonization of British Cameroons was abandoned unfinished. The international experiment on independence by joining was an exceptional route selected for the decolonization of British Southern Cameroons and was defended with the untenable arguments that British Southern Cameroons was too small and too poor to be granted sovereign independence. Both British Southern Cameroons and French Cameroon rejected independence by joining – the latter registering her objection in a “No” vote at the General Assembly meeting in April 1961. In British Southern Cameroons on the other hand, the suppression of bilateral agreement on confederation of states of equal status, the nullification of their self-governing status and worst of all the wrongful transfer of that self-governing state to the Republic of Cameroon on no known terms became a complete recipe for a disaster awaiting outburst and eruption. Ceded at Dawn documents and methodically analyzes these developments using archival and recently declassified British colonial sources. Historians, diplomats, political scientists, scholars of the UN system and international law as well experts on decolonization will find this volume it very illuminating.

Studies on the decolonization of Africa focus mainly on European colonization of African peoples, whereas intra-African colonization, such as British Southern Cameroons' colonial occupation, is ignored. With a colonial situation much more finely nuanced, complex and ambiguous, British Southern Cameroons is still colonially occupied. Sorting out what colonial influences inform British Southern Cameroons' quest to 'restore independence and sovereignty' in postcolonial life becomes increasingly difficult. In British Southern Cameroons: Nationalism & Conflict in Postcolonial Africa, a distinguished group of contributors examine the British Southern Cameroons' nationalism conflict from a variety of perspectives. The volume indicts the colonial occupation of the West African territory, one example where the United Nations, the organization formed to resolve conflicts is viewed as having created one in spite of its own Resolution 1514 of 1960 granting independence to colonial territories and peoples. The volume reveals one striking fact about nationalism struggles - that ordinary people and groups in colonial situations are not passive subjects of those political, historical and other circumstances, which they neither sought nor created, and which they understand and want to change. As such, the spontaneous reactions that the Southern Cameroons Question threatens African integration harbor the danger that those who have such reactions do so in a vacuum and out of context. They probably ignore the fact that there are United Nations and international principles governing the relations between peoples. They may ignore the principles governing issues of territorial acquisition as well as the freedoms and rights that all peoples are entitled to enjoy. They may also simply ignore the existence of international instruments against the crimes that no people may commit against another. It is these principles that govern the context within which all countries and people operate and interact. If these spontaneous reactions are not to become the law, then we must always examine nationalist complaints and conflicts in light of the principles laid down to govern the relations between peoples.

Fresh insights into gendered politics in Cameroon

​This book addresses the unique challenges faced by Africa regarding peaceful self-determination. Unlike other regions, Africa has seen limited success in nonviolent self-determination campaigns. Since 1989, only three African nations - Namibia, Eritrea, and South Sudan - have joined the UN after enduring prolonged and violent struggles for independence. In a world characterized by constant change, border alterations typically require armed conflicts in postcolonial Africa. In response to this disconcerting trend, the book offers pragmatic blueprints for achieving peace, emphasizing constitutional approaches to navigate the delicate balance between sovereignty and self-determination. The work delves into the complexities of five self-determination struggles spanning three African countries, providing valuable insights into the challenges faced. It distils six critical lessons from these case studies and presents fourteen blueprint proposals tailored to address the unique dynamics of postcolonial Africa, where reconciling sovereignty and self-determination remains a pressing concern.

The last 6 years have witnessed a period of considerable unrest in Cameroun. In 2016, protests within the minority Anglophone regions, against the obligatory use of French in court rooms and schools, were violently suppressed. This, combined with decades of marginalisation by successive Francophone governments, led to calls for secession – the creation of an independent nation of Ambazonia.This book offers a theological reflection on this escalating crisis, examining whether nationalism might be considered a tool of liberation in this particular African context.

Through narrating the politics and everyday life in ex-British Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia), Porcupine in a Python’s Throatmakes an invaluable contribution to understanding the choices and constraints facing both Southern Cameroons’ (Ambazonia) people, and the people of Republique du Cameroun. The volume illustrates how the people of ex-British Southern Cameroons’ (Ambazonia) seek alternatives to the cycles of repression and state terrorism turned into reprisal, retaliation and a genocidal war from 2016. This volume challenges the authorities over delimited territories and their inhabitants in states arbitrarily put together and held together by external power and control. The editor and contributors argue that the Westphalian sovereignty of authority as indivisible in postcolonial and other settings is unworkable, and does not last very long in plural societies put together and sustained with the use of force.