The seventeenth century was England's century of revolution, an era in which the nation witnessed protracted civil wars, the execution of a king, and the declaration of a short-lived republic. During this period of revolutionary crisis, political writers of all persuasions hoped to shape the outcome of events by the force of their arguments. To read the major political theorists of Stuart England is to be plunged into a world in which many of our modern conceptions of political rights and social change are first formulated. David Wootton's masterly compilation of speeches, essays, and fiercely polemical pamphlets--organized into chapters focusing on the main debates of the century--represents the first attempt to present in one volume a broad collection of Stuart political thought. In bringing together abstract theorizing and impassioned calls to arms, anonymous tract writers and King James I, Wootton has produced a much-needed collection; in combination with the editor's thoughtful running commentary and invaluable Introduction, its texts bring to life a crucial period in the formation of our modern liberal and conservative theories.

Annotation In this radical critique of the corporate economy--newly updated with information on Enron and other business scandals--the cofounder and editor of "Business Ethics" questions the legitimacy of a system that gives the wealthy few disproportionate power over the many

"Figgis sets his analysis in Europe beginning from the early Middle Ages, with how nobles would often elect fellows to act as king (lord of lords), and who were bound to the customary laws of the land. Through a series of theocratic power struggles originating in the Holy Roman Empire, and the transformation of being a king of a people to being king over a land, and the eventual resolution of those power struggles (in England), Figgis gives a thorough account of the development of Divine Right as it came to be stated by James VI. You will find a thoroughly researched work which traces step-by-step the evolution of DROK, taking the time to demonstrate the nuances of moral laws and adherence to them which are counterintuitive to modern interpretations of pre-modern ideas (such as resisting a king who has contradicted God's law, in order to serve that king), and its different expression and application by Catholics, Protestants and Presbyterians. The in-depth account of DROK will give you an excellent picture of the historical and political landscape occurring right at the birth of humanity into modernity. The book is a vital companion to anyone studying ideas of sovereignty, power, political doctrines, theocracy, or the events and ideas which led up to the execution of Charles I; referencing Marsilius of Padua, Jean Bodin, Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. Likewise, Figgis' work is vital for wider reference towards other philosophical works which were themselves discussing DROK (such as Hegel's Philosophy of Right), or of political responses to ideas of sovereignty, such as the school of Karl Marx (Including Giovanni Gentile, Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler); utilitarians; or the post-modernists (Agamben) and post-structuralists (Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida)" --Amazon.com

"The 'return of religion' in the public sphere and the emergence of post-secular societies have propelled the discourse of political theology into the centre of contemporary democratic theory. This situation calls forth the question addressed in this book: Is a democratic political theology possible? Carl Schmitt first developed the idea of the Christian theological foundations of modern legal and political concepts in order to criticize the secular basis of liberal democracy. He employed political theology to argue for the continued legitimacy of the absolute sovereignty of the state against the claims raised by pluralist and globalized civil society. This book shows how, after Schmitt, some of the main political theorists of the 20th century, from Jacques Maritain to Jèurgen Habermas, sought to establish an affirmative connection between Christian political theology, popular sovereignty and the legitimacy of democratic government. In so doing, the political representation of God in the world was no longer placed in the hands of hierarchical and sovereign lieutenants (Church, Empire, Nation), but in a series of democratic institutions, practices and conceptions like direct representation, constitutionalism, universal human rights, and public reason that reject the primacy of sovereignty"--