USAK Yearbook of Politics and International Relations, the fifth edition of which was published in 2012, is an annual, peer-reviewed, English language scholarly journal. The Editorial Office of the Yearbook is in the central building of the International Strategic Research Organization (USAK) in Ankara, Turkey. However, the Yearbook is an independent publication in terms of scholarly research and the editors decide its publication policies. Esteemed academics dispassionately evaluate all submitted articles to ensure their conformity with academic rules and formats. While the focal points of published articles converge on international relations, international law and political science, essentially; subjects regarding Area studies of the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East, Central Asia, and Europe are also spared considerable space. Additionally, pieces concerning international security, sociology, and anthropological studies are also regularly included in the Yearbook. Now entering its sixth year of compilation, the Yearbook provides a scholarly platform for academics and researchers throughout the world. The USAK Yearbook of Politics and International Relations is gifted to every dual subscriber to the Review of International Law and Politics (UHP) and the Journal of Central Asia and the Caucasus (OAKA) after their first year of subscription. Indexes through which our followers can browse and access Yearbook are as follows: Hein Online, International Political Science Abstracts (IPSA), PAIS International, CSA Worldwide Political Science Abstracts, CSA Sociological Abstracts, CSA Social Services Abstracts and ULAKBİM.

USAK Yearbook of Politics and International Relations, the fifth edition of which was published in 2012, is an annual, peer-reviewed, English language scholarly journal. The Editorial Office of the Yearbook is in the central building of the International Strategic Research Organization (USAK) in Ankara, Turkey. However, the Yearbook is an independent publication in terms of scholarly research and the editors decide its publication policies. Esteemed academics dispassionately evaluate all submitted articles to ensure their conformity with academic rules and formats. The review reports are confidentially stored in the Yearbook's archives for five years. While the focal points of published articles converge on international relations, international law and political science, essentially; subjects regarding Area studies of the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East, Central Asia, and Europe are also spared considerable space. Additionally, pieces concerning international security, sociology, and anthropological studies are also regularly included in the Yearbook. Now entering its sixth year of compilation, the Yearbook provides a scholarly platform for academics and researchers throughout the world. The USAK Yearbook of Politics and International Relations is gifted to every dual subscriber to the Review of International Law and Politics (UHP) and the Journal of Central Asia and the Caucasus (OAKA) after their first year of subscription. Indexes through which our followers can browse and access Yearbook are as follows: Hein Online, International Political Science Abstracts (IPSA), PAIS International, CSA Worldwide Political Science Abstracts, CSA Sociological Abstracts, CSA Social Services Abstracts and ULAKBİM.

Bu kitap USAK'ın yılda bir kez İngilizce olarak yayınladığı, o yıl içinde USAK uzmanları ve araştırmacıları tarafından yazılan en seçkin makale ve yorumların yer aldığı yayınıdır. Alanında uzman kişiler tarafından yazılmış makaleler arasından seçilen en seçkinleri böylelikle okuyucunun beğenisine sunulmaktadır.

This book seeks to aid scholars of all stripes in researching the nations, states, and peoples of the Balkan Peninsula in the Modern Age, presenting a single-source alternative to scholars for launching projects that span the humanities and social sciences.

The current research aims to provide analytical understandings on the costs and benefits of Korean unification from political, social, and economic aspects. Upon the two years of earlier works, we constructed an analytical model encompassing both spatial and temporal dimensions of the unification process, and built comprehensive architecture, ‘the Guiding Type of Unification.’ Based on this model, we have broaden the scope of the research by collecting diverse perspectives from the worldwide experts of the leading countries. We expect to observe the global trends of world governance. Indeed, the increasing importance of Group of Twenty (G‐20) countries in managing global problems reflects both political and social aspects of the changes occurring in global governance. Another reason for this would be South Korea’s diversified international relations in the recent years. Hence, it seems necessary to take a closer look on the international dimensions of Korean unification. In this vein, we requested thirteen experts of the leading countries to express their opinions on Korean unification. In order to collect international perspectives in a coordinated manner, scholars were provided with a guideline to include their perspectives on the expected effects of Korean Unification and the potential roles of their countries during and after the process. Participants were also asked to present candid implications for Korean unification. Argentina, whose food supply is abundant, laid stress on providing assistance in terms of food security during the unification. Australia, who has special concerns in Asian security, suggested a comprehensive support not only as a mediator but also as one of the U.S. alliance. Due to remote distance to Asia, Brazil is relatively less affected by the unification. Brazil, however, expressed that it has a keen interest in transmission of its experience regarding nuclear issues with Argentina. Similar to Brazil’s stance, the effects of the unification influence is indirect to Canada. Nevertheless, Canada could play a role in providing humanitarian assistance, and could be a potential destination for North Korean refugee resettlement. France, one of the most influential members in the European Union and the United Nations, made a suggestion to promote institution building in East Asia that can promote stability in the region. Germany, the only country who had experienced unification, presented its interest in participating actively in the process of Korean unification through public and private sectors. India assumed that the unification of Korea leads to the denuclearization of the peninsula, and would see this as a positive sign for stability of the region, since it would limit or end North Korea’s nuclear weapon transmits with Pakistan. Indonesia could contribute to regional peace and stability through ASEAN and its extensions as South Korea can call upon Indonesia to engage in the peace process. Italy, who especially pointed out the role of European Union as a whole, is well-poised to contribute to economic and social development with North Korea through technical assistance. Mexico can, and expressed its willingness to play an active role in the unification process through international organizations. South Africa, who had been successful in national reconciliation and denuclearization, is very likely to provide its experience and can be a strong voice for the NPT and arms control in the international society. Advocating South Korea’s policy in Korean unification, Turkey explicitly mentioned that it will side with Seoul if there is a possible conflict in the peninsula. The author emphasized that the international community must be well-informed on how Korean unification will take place. Last but not least, the United Kingdom author suggested that Koreans will have to resolve emotional conflicts for reconciliation. Considering how both Koreas have dealt educational matters concerning the division of the peninsula, this may face a major challenge in the future generation. Thirteen countries’ diversely manifested positions on the unifying process are indicative of perceptual change that the issue of Korean unification is no longer a regional issue, but an international one, in which multiple actors have their own stakes within. Upon the previously suggested implications, we categorized the countries into three groups: bystanders, supporters, and interveners. This categorization reflects the assertiveness of each country, or coercive level of each country’s assistance instrumented towards the two Koreas during the unifying process. In the conclusion, based on our final analysis, we provided recommendations for the policy makers. First, diversified diplomacy creates an amicable international environment for unification policies beyond the power politics of the Four Powers. Second, activation of leading countries’ roles is strategically advantageous to activate the meaningful roles of these leading countries to minimize the Four Powers’ concerns. Third, emphasizing the formation of multilateral system would provide leading countries with an additional motivation to actively participate in the unification process. Furthermore, multilateral efforts to achieve Korean unification are also expected to contribute to the furtherance of democratic elements in the dynamics of international relations as a whole. Fourth, it is now high time for us to conduct more public diplomacy by devising new and creative methodologies. The global research project of this kind could be one of the most effective public diplomatic tools. Lastly, the unification between two Koreas can no longer be considered as a regional issue within Northeast Asia since others, including the leading countries, conceive their national interests along the process of unification on the Korean peninsula in diverse ways. Overall, thirteen countries’ recommendations underline the significance of collective efforts in addressing the unification process and suggest South Korea to learn lessons from the experience that they have undergone in the past. Keywords: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Mexico, South Africa, Turkey, United Kingdom, Expectation, Role, Effect ------------- CONTENTS ------------- Acknowledgments Abstract Ⅰ. INTRODUCTION Ⅱ. EFFECTS AND ROLES 1. Argentina 2. Australia 3. Brazil 4. Canada 5. France 6. Germany 7. India 8. Indonesia 9. Italy 10. Mexico 11. South Africa 12. Turkey 13. United Kingdom Ⅲ. ANALYSIS AND EVALUATION 1. Expected Effect 2. Potential Roles 3. Classification of Leading Countries Ⅳ. CONCLUSION References Recent Publications

This book – through a collection of case studies covering Southern and East Africa, China, India, Japan, South Korea and Southeast Asia – offers insights into the nature of social exchanges between Africa and Asia. In the age of the ‘Rise of the South’, it documents the entanglements and the lived experiences of African and Asian people on the move. Divided into three parts, the authors look at Asians in Africa, Africans in Asia, and the ‘connected histories’ that the two share, which illuminate emerging and historical modalities of Afro-Asian human encounters. Cornelissen and Yoichi show how migrants activate multiple forms of transnational social capital as part of their survival strategies and develop complex relationships with host communities.