While the strategic dynamics in the IOR are complex and involve many powers there is little doubt that the “strategic triangle” involving the US, China and India is one of the key traditional security issues facing the IOR. Given Sri Lanka’s geopolitically significant location in the IOR this strategic triangle is bound to have an impact on its national interests and security. The central questions raised by this volume are the following: What are the prospects of competition and cooperation within the strategic triangle? What structure or pattern will the triangular relations assume? How can stability be maintained in the triangular relationship in the interest of peace in the IOR? and What would be the impact of this strategic triangle on a small country such as Sri Lanka situated in a geopolitically significant location in the IOR? The dynamics of the US-China-India strategic triangle in the IOR will be complicated, containing elements of both competition and cooperation. The research contained in the substantive chapters of this volume present a multiplicity of views on the possible patterns that the strategic triangle can assume. Based on Harry Harding’s typology of the strategic triangle in international affairs, these include: one mediating the conflict between the other two; two-against-one; and all-working-together. The multiplicity of patterns that the strategic triangle could assume indicate that there is likely to be considerable fluctuation in its structure. What is important in maintaining stability is that the competition is not allowed to become unmanageable, and the fostering of cooperation based on common interests. The US-China-India strategic triangle poses Sri Lanka as a country situated in a geopolitically significant location in the IOR with both challenges and opportunities. The most fundamental challenge is posed by the tendency of each of these three major powers to subordinate Sri Lanka to their grand strategic objectives and interaction with each other. The fundamental opportunity presented to Sri Lanka by the strategic triangle is that of using its geopolitical importance to each of these three major powers by virtue of its location in the IOR to its own advantage in a way that best serves its national interests.

In the Post-Cold War Era, the balance of redistribution of power has more shifted to Asia. China's rise in world affairs is... More > one of the main principal trends that define the new global order and China's increasing diplomatic, economic and military strength has compelled countries to rethink existing security strategies. As Chinese strategic interests lie in the Indian Ocean, the Indian Ocean and the states on its littoral are of growing strategic importance.

The Asian seas today are witnessing an intriguing historical anomaly - the simultaneous rises of two homegrown maritime powers against the backdrop of U.S. dominion over the global commons. The drivers behind this apparent irregularity in the Asian regional order are, of course, China and India. Their aspirations for great-power status and, above all, their quests for energy security have compelled both Beijing and New Delhi to redirect their gazes from land to the seas. While Chinese and Indian maritime interests are a natural outgrowth of impressive economic growth and the attendant appetite for energy resources, their simultaneous entries into the nautical realm also portend worrisome trends.

This edited book is the outcome of the International Conference on ‘China in Indian Ocean Region’, held on 13th–14th November 2014, organized by UGC Centre for Indian Ocean Studies, Osmania University, Hyderabad. Indian Ocean, third largest ocean in the world surpasses the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans as the world’s largest and most strategically significant trade corridor. Indian Ocean Region (IOR) which is surrounded by Africa, Asia and Australia serves as a maritime highway, linking trans-continental human and economic relationships. Being the world’s most populated region, one third of the world’s bulk cargo and around two thirds of world’s oil ship tankers pass through it. China’s interest in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) can be traced back to the early 1960s. Ever since Beijing has been increasingly deepening its presence in the IOR for a variety of reasons—oil, trade, security, etc., over 30 per cent of China’s seaborne trade worth about US $300 billion transits across IOR. Sharing a quarter of the world’s population, China faces ever increasing demand for energy. China has little choice but to look beyond its borders for its energy needs. About 77 per cent of its oil imports are sourced from West Asia and Africa and these are transported through the Indian Ocean. Thus China’s dependence on the Indian Ocean continues to grow for energy imports from the Gulf, to import resources from Africa and trade with Europe. With China steadily spreading its footprints in the Indian Ocean Region with increasing military presence and with the rapidly growing Navy being equipped with warships, destroyers and nuclear submarines, this book analyses in depth growing Chinese influence in Indian Ocean Region (IOR), Geopolitical interests of China, Security and Economic implication for India. This volume will be of considerable interest to the students and scholars of international relations in the contemporary situation.

The book focuses on analyzing the turbulent situation in the Indian Ocean from the political, economic and security perspectives. It discusses topics ranging from the major powers’ great game in the Indo-Pacific and China’s countermeasures, to China and India’s reciprocal demands and potential conflicts in the Indian Ocean. It also addresses the relations between the Indian Ocean region and China’s economic security and provides an in-depth analysis of the prospects of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.

This book traces the triangular strategic relationship of India, Pakistan and China over the second half of the twentieth century, and shows how two enmities – Sino-Indian and Indo-Pakistani – and one friendship – Sino-Pakistani – defined the distribution of power and the patterns of relationships in a major centre of gravity of international conflict and international change. The three powers are tied to each other and their actions reflect their view of strategic and cultural problems and geopolitics in a volatile area. The book considers internal debates within the three countries; zones of conflict, including northeast and northwest south Asia, the Himalayas and the Indian Ocean; and the impact of developments in nuclear weapons and missile technology. It examines the destructive consequences of China’s harsh methods in Tibet, of China’s encouragement of military rather than democratic regimes in Pakistan, and of China’s delay in dealing with the border disputes with India. Ashok Kapur shows how the Nehru-Chou rhetoric about "peaceful co-existence" affected the relationship, and how the dynamics of the relationship have changed significantly in recent years as a range of new factors - including India’s increasing closeness to the United States - have moved the relationship into a new phase.