A book about the life and work of the world-renowned Greek composer, full of previously unreleased photographs from the author's personal archive, that traces his development alongside major political events in modern Greek history. A luxurious edition about the life and work of the world-renowned Greek composer, tracing his development alongside major political events in modern Greek history. According to the author -an academic and personal friend of the composer- his aim is to reveal the hidden aspects of Mikis Theodorakis personality and work, as well as his philosophical views about life and humanity. The book includes also interviews and experiences the author shared with Mikis during tours in Greece and abroad.

This is the only comprehensive musical biography in English of Mikis Theodorakis (1925-2021), the revolutionary Greek composer. The first edition (1980) was written with the assistance and support of Theodorakis himself; this new edition was commissioned after Theodorakis’ death and extends the assessment of his work to the operas, symphonies and other works composed since 1980. As a political figure in modern Greece, Theodorakis embodied the spirit of resistance to the abuse of authority, from the Nazi occupation of his country and the ensuing civil war to the military dictatorship of 1967-74 and beyond. Based on the author’s personal friendship and collaboration with Theodorakis, this musical biography is both a passionate and an authoritative account of the life-work of a man who became a popular hero in an age of anxiety.

Mikis Theodorakis became a symbol of resistance to the dictatorship in Greece, from 1967-1974. To the Greeks he was already a legendary figure. He had been imprisoned and tortured for his political beliefs, his music had been banned, his concerts broken up by right-wing gangs. He was a member of parliament, the leader of a powerful youth movement and the most popular composer in the country. Gail Holst, who played in Theodorakis's orchestra in 1975, first became associated with the composer through her work with Greek-Australian anti-Junta organisations. Since then she has followed Theodorakis's career and musical development closely. The result is a detailed study of the music of Theodorakis and of the complex interrelationship between his music and Greek society and politics.

Before 1967, Israel had the overwhelming support of world opinion. So long as Israel's existence was in harmony with politically correct assumptions, it was supported, or at least accepted, by the majority of "progressive" Jews, especially in the wake of the Holocaust. This is no longer the case. The Jewish Divide Over Israel explains the role played by prominent Jews in turning Israel into an isolated pariah nation. After their catastrophic defeat in 1967, Arabs overcame inferiority on the battlefield with superiority in the war of ideas. Their propaganda stopped trumpeting their desire to eradicate Israel. Instead, in a calculated appeal to liberals and radicals, they redefined their war of aggression against the Jews as a struggle for the liberation of Palestinian Arabs. The tenacity of Arabs' rejection of Israel and their relentless campaign--in schools, universities, churches, professional organizations, and, above all, the news media--to destroy Israel's moral image had the desired impact. Many Jewish liberals became desperate to escape from the shadow of Israel's alleged misdeeds and found a way to do so by joining other members of the left in blaming Israeli sins for Arab violence. Today, Jewish liberals rationalize violence against the innocent as resistance to the oppressor, excuse Arab extremism as the frustration of a wronged party, and redefine eliminationist rhetoric and physical assaults on Jews as "criticism of Israeli policy." Israel's Jewish accusers have played a crucial and disproportionate role in the current upsurge of antisemitism precisely because they speak as Jews. The essays in this book seek to understand and throw back the assault on Israel led by such Jewish liberals and radicals as Tony Judt, Noam Chomsky, George Steiner, Daniel Boyarin, Marc Ellis, Israel Shahak, and many others. Its writers demonstrate that the foundation of the state of Israel, far from being the primal sin alleged by its accusers, was one of the few redeeming events in a century of blood and shame.

The book reflects on the life and work of a significant poet, public figure, and influential commentator of the cultural, social, and political history of Greece post-World War II: Manolis Anagnostakis (1925–2005). It considers his oeuvre in relation to the work of his peers and to traditions of writing, both Greek and non-Greek, as it challenges the assumptions and determinations of his critics. The volume explores the author’s sustained reflection on what it is poetry “does,” if anything, and how it goes about this at different historical moments. It does so through the framework of his political and social perspectives as well as against principles of committed action, above all, to leftist ideas and movements. For Anagnostakis is vitally important for thinking about the relation of politics to poetics and the complex, and in some quarters contradictory, relation of leftist politics and the travails of (euro)communism to poetry and literature. This analysis, therefore, coincides with the larger questioning of the role for the Left post-1989. The volume focuses not only on the poet’s canonical poetry up to 1971, but also on the period of his subsequent, self-imposed “silence” and his other “meta-poetic” writings after that date. Two of Anagnostakis’s previously unavailable late collections and a posthumously published interview with the poet appear here in English translation for the very first time. Coming but a few years after the poet’s death in 2005, this rare book-length study of a single Greek poet (other than Cavafy) features articles by leading critics from the American academy. Like Anagnostakis’s own work, these contributions represent a diverse range of approaches and voices: at turns essayistic, impressionistic, and creative, and, at others, scholarly, punctilious, and critical.

Developments of the 1970s suggest the need for a new approach to the analysis of communism in Western Europe. During the early years after World War II, Western observers tended to look upon the West European Communist parties as fundamentally an extension of communism in the USSR-as national only in the narrow, formal sense. With the growing signs

This book discusses the relationship between Greek Orthodox ecclesiastical music and laiko (popular) song in Greece. Laiko music was long considered a lesser form of music in Greece, with rural folk music considered serious enough to carry the weight of the ideologies founded within the establishment of the contemporary Greek state. During the 1940s and 1950s, a selective exoneration of urban popular music took place, one of its most popular cases being the originating relationships between two extremely popular musical pieces: Vasilis Tsitsanis's “Synnefiasmeni Kyriaki” (Cloudy Sunday) and its descent from the hymn “Ti Ypermacho” (The Akathist Hymn). During this period the connection of these two pieces was forged in the Modern Greek conscience, led by certain key figures in the authority system of the scholarly world. Through analysis of these pieces and the surrounding contexts, Ordoulidis explores the changing role and perception of popular music in Greece.