There has been little examination of the China policy of the Theodore Roosevelt administration. Works dealing with the topic fall either into brief discussions in biographies of Roosevelt, general surveys of Sino-American relations, or studies of special topics, such as the Chinese exclusion issue, which encompass a portion of the Roosevelt years. Moreover, the subject has been overshadowed somewhat by studies of problems between Japan and the United States in this era. The goal of this study is to offer a more complete examination of the American relationship with China during Roosevelt’s presidency. The focus will be on the discussion of major issues and concerns in the relationship of the two nations from the time Roosevelt took office until he left, something that this book does for the first time. Greater emphasis needs to be placed on creating a more complete picture of Teddy Roosevelt and China relations, especially in regard to his and his advisers’ perceptual framework of that region and its impact upon the making of China policy. The goal of this study is to begin that process. Special attention is paid to the question of how Roosevelt and the members of his administration viewed China, as it is believed that their viewpoints, which were prejudicial, were very instrumental in how they chose to deal with China and the question of the Open Door. The emphasis on the role of stereotyping gives the book a particularly unique point of view. Readers will be made aware of the difficulties of making foreign policy under challenging conditions, but also of how the attitudes and perceptions of policymakers can shape the direction that those policies can take. A critical argument of the book is that a stereotyped perception of China and its people inhibited American policy responses toward the Chinese state in Roosevelt’s Administration. While Roosevelt’s attitudes regarding white supremacy have been discussed elsewhere, a fuller consideration of how his views affected the making of foreign policy, particularly China policy, is needed, especially now that Sino-American relations today are of great concern.

Examines the Open Door, the most influential U.S. foreign policy of the twentieth centuryIn 1899, U.S. Secretary of State John Hay wrote six world powers calling for an aOpen Door in China that would guarantee equal trading opportunities, curtail colonial annexation, and prevent conflict in the Far East. Within a year, the region had succumbed to renewed colonisation and war, but despite the apparent failure of Hays diplomacy, the ideal of the Open Door emerged as the central component of U.S. foreign policy in the twentieth century. Just as visions of aManifest Destiny shaped continental expansion in the nineteenth century, Woodrow Wilson used the Open Door to make the case for a world asafe for democracy, Franklin Roosevelt developed it to inspire the fight against totalitarianism and imperialism, and Cold War containment policy envisioned international communism as the latest threat to a global system built upon peace, openness, and exchange. In a concise yet wide-ranging examination of its origins and development, readers will discover how the idea of the Open Door came to define the American Century.Key FeaturesUncovers the ideological wellspring of U.S. foreign policy in the twentieth centuryPresents debates over U.S. foreign policy, including the aWisconsin School critique of the Open Door as a mechanism of informal empireReveals both the consistency of U.S. foreign policy thinking and offers a deeper context to critical foreign policy decisionsContextulises the roots of contemporary U.S. policy

China's recent economic reforms have opened its economy to the world. This policy, however, is not new: in the late nineteenth century, the United States put forward the Open Door Policy as a counter to European exclusive 'spheres of influence' in China. This book, based on extensive original archival research, examines and re-evaluates China's Open Door Policy. It considers the policy from its inception in 1899 right through to the post-1978 reforms. It relates these changes to the various shifts in China’s international relations, discusses how decades of foreign invasion, civil war and revolution followed the destruction of the policy in the 1920s, and considers how the policy, when applied in Taiwan after 1949, and by Deng Xiaoping in mainland China after 1978, was instrumental in bringing about, respectively, Taiwan's 'economic miracle' and mainland China’s recent economic boom. The book argues that, although the policy was characterised as United States 'economic imperialism' during the Cold War, in reality it helped China retain its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

This is an account of the 'middleman' role Hong Kong has played in China's Open Door Policy. It explains the paradoxical situation by which Hong Kong's role as intermediary in China's commodity trade is becoming more prominent in spite of the fact that since the development of the Open Door Policy in 1979 China has established many direct diplomatic, commercial and transportation links with the outside world. The book makes an important contribution to understanding China's various phases of economic reform and its interactions with global economic markets. Moreover, its arrival is timely, given the forced isolation of China after the events in Tiananmen Square in June 1989 as well as the fact that few years remain before Hong Kong ceases to be a British colony to become part of China. Dr Sung predicts that China's demands on Hong Kong's capacity as intermediary will increase dramatically when this happens.

The Open Door has become an integral part of China's economicdevelopment strategy since the late 1970's, and, not surprisingly,it has aroused considerable interest in developed countries. This bookgives a sympathetic but critical survey of this policy, with particularattention to the problems that have prevented the Open Door from beingimplemented as rapidly as first intended.