First Published in 1995. One of the principal inferences of this book is that Russia was and remains an inalienable part of European civilization and culture. After the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars, Russian society was quick to grasp ideas of Enlightenment, liberty, equality and fraternity while other thinkers rejected this and insisted on Russian exclusivity. The book concludes with a view of the future of Europe as the twenty-first century approached.

This book puts the idea of Europe in its historical context, tracing it back to the ancient Greeks and their association of Europe with political freedom. From this starting point the first essay shows how Europe became identified with Christendom in the fifteenth century and with 'civilization' in the eighteenth, before being used by nineteenth-century reformers and reactionaries either to promote change or to defend the status quo. Twentieth-century developments are the focus for discussion in the other two essays. A number of 'projects' for Europe are examined against the background of the two world wars, consideration is given to recent trends towards political and economic integration and an assessment is offered of the contemporary relevance of the European idea.

The period between 1917 and 1957, starting with the birth of the USSR and the American intervention in the First World War and ending with the Treaty of Rome, is of the utmost importance for contextualizing and understanding the intellectual origins of the European Community. During this time of 'crisis,' many contemporaries, especially intellectuals, felt they faced a momentous decision which could bring about a radically different future. The understanding of what Europe was and what it should be was questioned in a profound way, forcing Europeans to react. The idea of a specifically European unity finally became, at least for some, a feasible project, not only to avoid another war but to avoid the destruction of the idea of European unity. This volume reassesses the relationship between ideas of Europe and the European project and reconsiders the impact of long and short-term political transformations on assumptions about the continent's scope, nature, role and significance.

First Published in 1995. One of the principal inferences of this book is that Russia was and remains an inalienable part of European civilization and culture. After the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars, Russian society was quick to grasp ideas of Enlightenment, liberty, equality and fraternity while other thinkers rejected this and insisted on Russian exclusivity. The book concludes with a view of the future of Europe as the twenty-first century approached.

A good social history of Europe has yet to be written though, given the developments over the last few decades, this seems more urgent than ever before. This volume presents an important step forward in that it brings together eight internationally known social historians from Europe and Israel, each of whom offer an overview of some key themes in European history during the last two centuries. While dealing with the great changes of this period, the authors reveal the commonalities that link European societies together but also important differences at a national level.

Presenting a new historical narrative on European integration and identity this title examines how the concept of Europe has been entangled in a dynamic and dramatic tension between calls for unity and arguments for borders and division. Through an in-depth intellectual history of the idea of Europe, Mats Andren interrogates the concept of integration and more recent debates surrounding European identity across the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the post-war period. Applying a broad range of original sources this unique work will be key reading for students and researchers studying European History, European Studies, Political History and related fields.

Aimed at political sciences students and teachers, Ferreras presents the new idea of 'economic bicameralism' to redefine firms as political entities.