In this timely volume, contributors from various disciplines analyze reaction and resistance to feminism in several areas of law and policy � child custody, child poverty, sexual harassment, and sexual assault � and in a number of institutional sites, such as courts, legislatures, families, the mainstream media, and the academy. Collectively, their studies paint a complicated, often contradictory, picture of feminism, law, and social change, offering feminists and activists empirically grounded knowledge to develop legal and political strategies for change.

In this careful study of Jewish and non-Jewish resistance during World War II, Holocaust scholar Tec Nechama argues that Jews were not passive or submissive in the face of German oppression, but that their efforts had different aims and expressions than those of their non-Jewish counterparts.

This thesis is about newly arrived adult migrants’ meaning making and learning in Swedish society during the two years’ introduction period, after they have received the residence permit. I have specifically studied Arabic speaking adults’ meaning making and learning, by carrying out observations and individual in-depth interviews with 12 migrants. The introduction period consists mainly of three so called introduction measures; the civic orientation course, Swedish for immigrants (SFI), and different work related activities, such as internship at different work places. The results show that etablering is about shaping the newly arrived adult migrants into ”good” citizens, through the introduction measures, among other things in the civic orientation course, which is regulated through the policy documents, and which so to say provides meaning to the newly arrived. The “good” citizen has some specific characteristics, which, roughly, are that he or she is independent (and advocates individuality), free, equality thinking, secularized, law-abiding (which includes being honest), responsible, and a “good” parent. These characteristics are expressed in different ways in the civic orientation course, for instance through the course material. The Swedish society is described as something desirable, and different from what is implied to be ”Arabic” values and ways of thinking. The idea of the “good” citizen appears to aim at constructing the adult migrants’ (and their families’) identity, something which many of the study’s respondents make a resistance to. As concerns the migrant’s new experiences, it is, for example, those which the migrant get through the contact with the Swedish Public Employment Service (SPES) that affect the meaning making in the new society. The meaning which most of the respondents have made of the SPES’s measures for them is that this authority only offers “prepackaged” solutions, and does not provide the help or support that they need. Also the experiences which the migrant has in the civic orientation course, and the meaning which ”old” migrants give to him or her, play a role when he or she makes meaning of Sweden and Swedes, and of his or her new life situation. Further, it has been shown that it is those experiences that the adult individual has been socialized through, and those which he or she has gained through work or education in his or her country of origin, which affect his or her meaning making in Sweden. It is mostly values which concern child upbringing and religion that lead to a certain understanding and construction of one’s new life. These values, when related to the values which are included in the ”good” citizen idea, also lead to either a resistance or a readiness towards the meaning giving that is embedded in the ”good” citizen notion. Denna studie handlar om nyanlända vuxna migranters meningsskapande och lärande i det svenska samhället under deras tvååriga introduktionsperiod, efter att de har fått uppehållstillstånd. Jag har specifikt studerat arabisktalande vuxnas meningsskapande och lärande, genom observationer och enskilda djupintervjuer med 12 nyanlända. Introduktionsperioden består främst av tre s.k. etableringsinsatser; kursen i samhällsorientering, svenska för invandrare (SFI) samt olika arbetsrelaterade och arbetsfrämjande insatser, såsom praktik på olika arbetsplatser. Resultatet visar att etablering handlar om att forma de vuxna nyanlända till ”goda” medborgare, genom etableringsinsatserna, bl.a. i samhällsorienteringskursen, som regleras genom policydokumenten, och som s.a.s. tillhandahåller mening för de nyanlända. Den ”goda” medborgaren har vissa specifika kännetecken, vilka, i grova drag, är att han eller hon är självständig (och förespråkar individualitet), fri, jämlikhetstänkande, sekulariserad, laglydig (vilket inkluderar ärlig), ansvarsfull, och en ”god” förälder. Dessa karaktärsdrag kommer på olika sätt till uttryck i samhällsorienteringskursen, exempelvis genom kursmaterialet. Det svenska samhället framställs då också som något eftersträvansvärt, och skilt från det som antyds vara ”arabiska” värderingar och tänkesätt. Föreställningen om den ”goda” medborgaren verka syfta till att konstruera den vuxna nyanländas (och dennas familjs) identitet, något som många av studiens respondenter gör motstånd mot. Vad gäller migrantens nya erfarenheter, är det exempelvis de som migranten har fått genom kontakt med Arbetsförmedlingen som påverkar meningsskapandet i det nya samhället. Den mening som de flesta av respondenterna har gjort om Arbetsförmedlingens insatser för dem är att denna myndighet enbart erbjuder dem ”förpaketerade” lösningar, och inte tillhandahåller den hjälp eller det stöd som de behöver. Även erfarenheter som migranten gör i samhällsorienteringskursen, samt den mening som ”gamla” migranter förmedlar till honom eller henne, spelar roll för hur vederbörande skapar mening om Sverige och svenskar, och om sin nya livssituation. Dessutom har det visat sig att det är de erfarenheter som den vuxna har blivit socialiserad genom, samt de som han eller hon har fått genom utbildning eller arbete i ursprungslandet, som påverkar migrantens meningsskapande i Sverige. Det är främst värderingar som är knutna till barnuppfostran och religion som leder till en viss förståelse och konstruktion av ens nya liv. Dessa värderingar leder också, när de stöts mot de värderingar som ingår i föreställningen om den ”goda” medborgaren, antingen till ett motstånd mot eller en beredvillighet inför det meningsgivande som ingår i den ”goda” medborgaren.

On March 13, 1956, ninety-nine members of the United States Congress promulgated the Declaration of Constitutional Principles, popularly known as the Southern Manifesto. Reprinted here, the Southern Manifesto formally stated opposition to the landmark United State Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education, and the emergent civil rights movement. This statement allowed the white South to prevent Brown's immediate full-scale implementation and, for nearly two decades, set the slothful timetable and glacial pace of public school desegregation. The Southern Manifesto also provided the Southern Congressional Delegation with the means to stymie federal voting rights legislation, so that the dismantling of Jim Crow could be managed largely on white southern terms. In the wake of the Brown decision that declared public school segregation unconstitutional, seminal events in the early stages of the civil rights movement--like the Emmett Till lynching, the Montgomery bus boycott, and the Autherine Lucy riots at the University of Alabama brought the struggle for black freedom to national attention. Orchestrated by United States Senator Richard Brevard Russell Jr. of Georgia, the Southern Congressional Delegation in general, and the United States Senate's Southern Caucus in particular, fought vigorously and successfully to counter the initial successes of civil rights workers and maintain Jim Crow. The South's defense of white supremacy culminated with this most notorious statement of opposition to desegregation. The Southern Manifesto: Massive Resistance and the Fight to Preserve Segregation narrates this single worst episode of racial demagoguery in modern American political history and considers the statement's impact upon both the struggle for black freedom and the larger racial dynamics of postwar America.