From the foreword by Steve Schlissel: "Rushdoony sounds the clarion call of liberty for all who remain oppressed by Christian leaders who wrongfully lord it over the souls of God's righteous ones... I pray that the entire book will not only instruct you in the method and content of a Biblical worldview, but actually bring you further into the glorious freedom of the children of God. Those who walk in wisdom's ways become immune to the politics of guilt and pity." Man has trampled God's law under foot. In doing so, he has misused himself and trampled on the God-given rights of his fellowman. He is conscious of his guilt, and seeks self-justification through self-atonement. The author makes it perfectly clear that there is only one way of escape from present slough and despair. It is in turning in heartfelt repentance to God who has already provided atonement in the sacrifice of His Son. And true repentance includes a return to the doing of God's will as revealed in God's Word, the Bible.

Are political ideologies influenced by guilt, and if so, how? Guilt, Blame, and Politics argues that this influence has been far greater than occasional discussions of liberal guilt would indicate. For example, it has affected socialism and Marxism far more than liberalism. This is demonstrated by the fact that rich kids and intellectuals have always been drastically overrepresented in these proletarian-focused movements, to such an extent that socialism and Marxism cannot claim to have had working class origins. The most important outcome of the guilt of the affluent and the educated has been the craving for big government. Only a supreme authority figure offers relief from political guilt, by taking on the responsibility of allocating resources-making it appear that people's work roles and comforts were granted by official permission instead of coming from privilege.

This investigation sheds new light on the confrontational stance the religious right has taken toward contemporary America by examining the nature and origins of its highly charged ideas. It traces its belief system, commonly called the "Christian Worldview," to four Christian thinkers (Abraham Kuyper, Cornelius Van Til, Rousas John Rushdoony, and Francis Schaeffer) known for their anti-modernist, authoritarian, and in some cases, openly theocratic ideas. Although virtually unknown to most Americans, these men have been treated like patron saints by the religious right. Their ideas, seriously discussed within the movement and codified in Christian Worldview documents during the 1980s, have been widely disseminated to followers through textbooks and seminars, evolving over time into standard talking points. The book then examines how the ideology buttresses the movement's controversial, right-wing agenda. It explores how the Christian Worldview advances a concept of “total truth” that is unique to biblical Christians and enables them to redefine freedom, law, government, and even history and science, in their own infallible terms. A vision for the future and plan of action are formed on the basis of these certainties. The book concludes by discussing the danger the ideology poses to pluralist society and offers intelligent ways of confronting it.

Hanson raises awareness regarding core Christian beliefs and stresses the urgency to live in accordance with them. (Christian Religion)

Shortly after the Nazi government fell, a philosophy professor at Heidelberg University lectured on a subject that burned the consciousness and conscience of thinking Germans. “Are the German people guilty?” These lectures by Karl Jaspers, an outstanding European philosopher, attracted wide attention among German intellectuals and students; they seemed to offer a path to sanity and morality in a disordered world. Jaspers, a life-long liberal, attempted in this book to discuss rationally a problem that had thus far evoked only heat and fury. Neither an evasive apology nor a wholesome condemnation, his book distinguished between types of guilt and degrees of responsibility. He listed four categories of guilt: criminal guilt (the commitment of overt acts), political guilt (the degree of political acquiescence in the Nazi regime), moral guilt (a matter of private judgment among one’s friends), and metaphysical guilt (a universally shared responsibility of those who chose to remain alive rather than die in protest against Nazi atrocities). Karl Jaspers (1883–1969) took his degree in medicine but soon became interested in psychiatry. He is the author of a standard work of psychopathology, as well as special studies on Strindberg, Van Gogh and Nietsche. After World War I he became Professor of Philosophy at Heidelberg, where he achieved fame as a brilliant teacher and an early exponent of existentialism. He was among the first to acquaint German readers with the works of Kierkegaard. Jaspers had to resign from his post in 1935. From the total isolation into which the Hitler regime forced him, Jaspers returned in 1945 to a position of central intellectual leadership of the younger liberal elements of Germany. In his first lecture in 1945, he forcefully reminded his audience of the fate of the German Jews. Jaspers’s unblemished record as an anti-Nazi, as well as his sentient mind, have made him a rallying point center for those of his compatriots who wish to reconstruct a free and democratic Germany.

This book provides a critical overview of the role of the emotions in politics. Compassion is a politically charged virtue, and yet we know surprisingly little about the uses (and abuses) of compassion in political environments. Covering sociology, political theory and psychology, and with contributions from Martha Nussbaum and Andrew Linklater amongst others, the book gives a succinct overview of the main theories of political compassion and the emotions in politics. It covers key concepts such as humanitarianism, political emotion and agency in relation to compassion as a political virtue. The Politics of Compassion is a fascinating resource for students and scholars of political theory, international relations, political sociology and psychology.