The book examines the origins, nature, and impact of different facets of political knowledge in the Czech Republic between 1967 and 2014. The central argument presented in this book is that evaluating citizens on the basis of objective, or factual, knowledge alone makes little sense. What citizens know about politics comes from a variety of sources that are complementary. This is the first detailed study of how much Czechs know about politics, and why it matters. Here are some of the key findings of this book. There are many forms of political knowledge.Citizens make decisions using different forms of political knowledge.Czechs knowledge of politics has remained constant over time.How people answer knowledge questions in surveys matters.Political knowledge is shaped by personality traits.Factual knowledge is linked with forecasting social change, but is not always linked with making correct voting.Experts with high levels of knowledge do not agree on what is a correct answer.

The book focuses on the description and analysis of the historical formation of the Czechoslovak and Czech positions in the international system during the course of the 20th century. The first part of the book presents a brief outline of the history of Czechoslovak foreign policy between the First World War and the end of the Cold War. The authors focus on the key periods and turning points in the role of the small Central European state in the international system as well as on the significant actors formulating Czechoslovak foreign policy from the inside and influencing it from the outside. The second, analytical part of the book focuses on the key issues connected to the change of the position of Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic after 1993 in world politics, and on the formulation of Czech foreign policy priorities and strategies in the globalized world after the end of bipolar confrontation. The authors analytically investigate the activities of the Czech Republic in (Central) European regional integration processes and the integration of the state in the global system of development cooperation. A great deal of attention is paid to the key political actors of the Czech foreign policy discussion and their impact on the formulation of foreign policy goals. Special attention is paid to the dilemmas of Czech foreign policy: the hesitation between the role of a small state and a medium power and also the span of Czech foreign policy between Atlanticism, anti-Americanism and Europeanization.

The book sheds light on the new political parties that were successful after the 2010, 2013 and 2017 elections in the Czech Republic. Their success led to significant changes in the political party system, while also sparking discussions on business-firm parties, populism and the importance of social media in political campaigns.

This book considers the state of Czech democracy, following the rise of authoritarian regimes in Poland and Hungary and the ascent of billionaire oligarch Andrej Babiš to the office of prime minister of the Czech Republic, leading to concerns about conflicts of interest. The authors argue that civic values, such as tolerance, respect for the equality of people, and readiness to play by the rules of the political game, are key factors in determining whether the Czech Republic will maintain its democracy in the coming years. The book employs a broad perspective, bringing together insights from political science, sociology, cultural studies, and other disciplines to analyse changes in the democracy of the Czech Republic since 1989, taking into consideration various dimensions of civic values, including politics, gender inequality, film, and the media. Sabrina P. Ramet is Professor Emerita of Political Science at the Norwegian University of Science & Technology, Norway. Vladimir Ðorđević is Assistant Professor in the Department of Territorial Studies of the Faculty of Regional Development and International Studies of Mendel University in Brno, Czech Republic. Christine M. Hasenstab is a retired attorney who also worked as an Adviser in the EU Grants Office at the Norwegian University of Science & Technology, Norway.

Essay from the year 2011 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: A, Saint Mary's University, course: Comparative Politics, language: English, abstract: Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, many countries in the Eastern Europe, which were formerly a part of USSR, went into a period of rapid transition from being authoritarian regimes to the more democratic ones. This transition included the dissolution of the former Soviet institutions, re-creation of their national identities at the state level which was formerly oppressed, broadening the citizenship rights and obligations, embracing the norms of liberal democracy and a switch to a market oriented economy. The process of transformation of the ‘illiberal states’ to the ‘liberal ones’ was arguably a part of the same wave of democratization in a global context which is generally referred as the ‘Third Wave of Democracy’ by scholars such as Samuel Huntington. It was expected that as a result of this transition, all countries which were formerly a part of Soviet Union would embrace the ideas such as democracy, rule of law, private property, free and fair elections and civil society. However, these new ideas along with the others such as civil society and active citizenry were not in the same line with the ideas in the communist USSR. Thus, there were a series of problems to overcome for the post-Soviet countries for democratization.

A critical study of the philosophy and political practice of the Czech dissident movement Charter 77. Aviezer Tucker examines how the political philosophy of Jan Patocka (1907-1977), founder of Charter 77, influenced the thinking and political leadership of Vaclav Havel as dissident and president. Presents the first serious treatment of Havel as philosopher and Patocka as a political thinker. Through the Charter 77 dissident movement in Czechoslovakia, opponents of communism based their civil struggle for human rights on philosophic foundations, and members of the Charter 77 later led the Velvet Revolution. After Patocka's self-sacrifice in 1977, Vaclav Havel emerged a strong philosophical and political force, and he continued to apply Patocka's philosophy in order to understand the human condition under late communism and the meaning of dissidence. However, the political/philosophical orientation of the Charter 77 movement failed to provide President Havel with an adequate basis for comprehending and responding to the extraordinary political and economic problems of the postcommunist period. In his discussion of Havel's presidency and the eventual corruption of the Velvet Revolution, Tucker demonstrates that the weaknesses in Charter 77 member's understanding of modernity, which did not matter while they were dissidents, seriously harmed their ability to function in a modern democratic system. Within this context, Tucker also examines Havel's recent attempt to topple the democratic but corrupt government in 1997-1998. The Philosophy and Politics of Czech Dissidence from Patocka to Havel will be of interest to students of philosophy and politics, scholars and students of Slavic studies, and historians, as well as anyone fascinated by the nature of dissidence.

In an increasing number of countries around the world, populist leaders, political parties and movements have gained prominence and influence, either by electoral successes on their own or by influencing other political parties and the national political discourse. While it is widely acknowledged that the media and the role of communication more broadly are key to understanding the rise and success of populist leaders, parties and movements, there is however very little research on populist political communication, at least in the English-speaking research literature. Originating from a research project funded by the European Cooperation in the field of Scientific and Technical Research (COST), this book seeks to advance this research. It includes examinations 24 European countries, and focuses on three areas within the context of populism and populist political communication: populist actors as communicators, the media and populism and citizens and populism.