The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) joined the rank of nuclear powers in October 2006 after exploding its first nuclear device. The test was not fully successful yet it unequivocally demonstrated North Korea's nuclear weapons capability. North Korea under the leadership of Kim Jong-il remains as unpredictable and mysterious as ever. This comprehensive study brings together leading scholars in the field to examine the country's current foreign policy under Kim Jong-il as well as its bilateral relations with the USA, China, Russia, Japan and South Korea.

This book analyses North Korean foreign policy since 1994, aiming to better understand the part the DPRK plays in international politics. Pyongyang is the country’s capital and largest city. To the north and northwest, the country is bordered by China and by Russia along the Amnok and Tumen rivers; it is bordered to the south by South Korea, with the heavily fortified Korean Demilitarized Zone separating the two. Nevertheless, North Korea, like its southern counterpart, claims to be the legitimate government of the entire peninsula and adjacent islands. Both North Korea and South Korea became members of the UN in 1991. Applying the role theoretical approach to North Korea for the first time, this book charts the continuities and changes in North Korean foreign policy, drawing on content analysis of North Korean periodicals. It begins with an identification of roles, before analysing the relationship between these roles and foreign policy in practice. In particular, it examines the links between role shifts and changes in interaction with the U.S. and South Korea. This book also demonstrates that the existence of pressure, sanctions and confrontations have contributed to a confrontational, isolationist and inward-looking foreign policy. Therefore, it argues, one should be aware that if the DPRK is constantly treated as if it is a nuclear state – and even a rogue state – it is much easier for it to enact a role on the international stage which reflects this. As a study of the foreign policy of the world’s most controversial and secretive country, this book will be invaluable to students and scholars of Korean politics and international relations, as well as Asian Studies more generally.

Threat does not inherently matter unless it is perceived, and, on the other hand, anything that is perceived as threat matters, whether or not the threat rings true. North Korean Foreign Policy: Security Dilemma and Succession, by Yongho Kim, posits security dilemma and political succession as the two main factors that North Korea perceives as threat, and that these external and domestic threats constitute Pyongyang's provocative foreign policy. North Korean Foreign Policy suggests that an effective policy for countries relating to North Korea, whether dovish or hawkish, should deal directly with Kim Jong-il's political survival, and not with Pyongyang's failed economy.

The Korean peninsula remains one of the world's most dangerous places. While North Korea has an army of 1.2 million troops and holds Seoul hostage with its missiles and artillery, Pyongyang is in desperate straits after a decade of economic decline, food shortages, and diplomatic isolation. In 1998, former U.S. Defense Secretary William Perry traveled to Pyongyang to propose increasing outside aid from the United States, South Korea, and Japan in exchange for North Korea's promise to reduce military provocations. The third in a series of influential Task Force reports on Korea policy, this study argues that, in spite of tensions, the United States should continue to support South Korea's engagement policy and keep Perry's proposal on the table. The Task Force recommends that, should North Korea increase tensions by testing long-range missiles, the United States and its allies should take a new approach to Pyongyang, including enhancing U.S.-Japan and South Korean deterrence against other North Korean threats, suspending new South Korean investment in North Korea, and placing new Japanese restrictions on financial transfers to the North. By suggesting the possibility of gradually reducing the danger on the Korean peninsula, this report represents a crucial addition to the discussion of U.S.-North Korean economic relations.

These essays support the argument that strong and effective presidential leadership is the most important prerequisite for South Korea to sustain and project its influence abroad. That leadership should be attentive to the need for public consensus and should operate within established legislative mechanisms that ensure public accountability. The underlying structures sustaining South Korea’s foreign policy formation are generally sound; the bigger challenge is to manage domestic politics in ways that promote public confidence about the direction and accountability of presidential leadership in foreign policy.