Based on over two years of participant-observation in labor brokerage firms, factories, schools, churches, and people’s homes in Japan and Brazil, Sarah LeBaron von Baeyer presents an ethnographic portrait of what it means in practice to “live transnationally,” that is, to contend with the social, institutional, and aspirational landscapes bridging different national settings. Rather than view Japanese-Brazilian labor migrants and their families as somehow lost or caught between cultures, she demonstrates how they in fact find creative and flexible ways of belonging to multiple places at once. At the same time, the author pays close attention to the various constraints and possibilities that people face as they navigate other dimensions of their lives besides ethnic or national identity, namely, family, gender, class, age, work, education, and religion

This book presents an ethnographic portrait of transnational Japanese-Brazilian labor migrants and their families as they navigate life between Japan and Brazil. The author pays particular attention to gender, generation, and class, and to structures besides work such as family, education, and religion.

Since the late 1980s, Brazilians of Japanese descent have been "return" migrating to Japan as unskilled foreign workers. With an immigrant population currently estimated at roughly 280,000, Japanese Brazilians are now the second largest group of foreigners in Japan. Although they are of Japanese descent, most were born in Brazil and are culturally Brazilian. As a result, they have become Japan's newest ethnic minority. Drawing upon close to two years of multisite fieldwork in Brazil and Japan, Takeyuki Tsuda has written a comprehensive ethnography that examines the ethnic experiences and reactions of both Japanese Brazilian immigrants and their native Japanese hosts. In response to their socioeconomic marginalization in their ethnic homeland, Japanese Brazilians have strengthened their Brazilian nationalist sentiments despite becoming members of an increasingly well-integrated transnational migrant community. Although such migrant nationalism enables them to resist assimilationist Japanese cultural pressures, its challenge to Japanese ethnic attitudes and ethnonational identity remains inherently contradictory. Strangers in the Ethnic Homeland illuminates how cultural encounters caused by transnational migration can reinforce local ethnic identities and nationalist discourses.

São Paulo, Brazil, holds the largest number of Japanese descendants outside Japan, and they have been there for six generations. Japanese immigration to Brazil started in 1908 to replace European immigrants to work in São Paulo’s expanding coffee industry. It peaked in the late 1920s and early 1930s as anti-Japanese sentiment grew in Brazil. Approximately 189,000 Japanese entered Brazil by 1942 in mandatory family units. After the war, prewar immigrants and their descendants became quickly concentrated in São Paulo City. Immigration from Japan resumed in 1952, and by 1993 some 54,000 immigrants arrived in Brazil. By 1980, the majority of Japanese Brazilians had joined the urban middle class and many had been mixed racially. In the mid-1980s, Japanese Brazilians’ “return” labor migrations to Japan began on a large scale. More than 310,000 Brazilian citizens were residing in Japan in June 2008, when the centenary of Japanese immigration was widely celebrated in Brazil. The story does not end there. The global recession that started in 2008 soon forced unemployed Brazilians in Japan and their Japanese-born children to return to Brazil. Based on her research in Brazil and Japan, Mieko Nishida challenges the essentialized categories of “the Japanese” in Brazil and “Brazilians” in Japan, with special emphasis on gender. Nishida deftly argues that Japanese Brazilian identity has never been a static, fixed set of traits that can be counted and inventoried. Rather it is about being and becoming, a process of identity in motion responding to the push-and-pull between being positioned and positioning in a historically changing world. She examines Japanese immigrants and their descendants’ historically shifting sense of identity, which comes from their experiences of historical changes in socioeconomic and political structure in both Brazil and Japan. Each chapter illustrates how their identity is perpetually in formation, across generation, across gender, across class, across race, and in the movement of people between nations. Diaspora and Identity makes an important contribution to the understanding of the historical development of ethnic, racial, and national identities; as well as construction of the Japanese diaspora in Brazil and its response to time, place, and circumstances.

Sentiments, Language, and the Arts: The Japanese-Brazilian Heritage explores the complex feelings of Japanese immigrants in Brazil, focusing on their yearning for “home” as a way of interpreting the shifting nature of their identity. To understand the immigrants’ lives and feelings from their own perspective, Hosokawa looks closely at their poetry, linguistic activities such as the borrowing of Portuguese words, amateur speech contests, and a fantasy about the shared origins of Japanese and the Brazilian indigenous language Tupi. He also examines the issue of group identity through the performing arts, analyzing the reception of Japanese sopranos who sang the title role in Madam Butterfly, participation in Carnival parades, and the oral storytelling of their history in popular narratives called rôkyoku. Translated from Japanese by Paul Warham.

This book explores the Japanese emigration to the planned colony of Bastos in São Paulo, Brazil in the early twentieth century. Using interviews and fieldwork done in both Bastos and Japan, Ethel Kosminsky analyzes the consequences of these temporary labor migrations on the immigrants and their families.