Using one of the continents supposed pathfinders, Cameroon as case-study, this book interrogates judiciary in Africa in three domains. First, as the third branch of government, second, as the acknowledged umpire of federalism, and, finally, as a means of reversing the institutionalization of in-human rights and injustice administration in Africa. While examining the roots and causes of the persisting human rights and justice administration problems in Cameroon particularly, and Africa in general, the book through the tumbu-tumbu Long-Distance Government Theory (LDGT), argues for a rethinking and freeing of strategies currently used from close to a century of colonial and neo-colonial bondage, under the confusing covers of independence and of advanced democracy. The book challenges Africa to consider a mentality change, for a real judiciary transformative change. The book will interest legal practitioners, social anthropologists, development studies and political science practitioners, among other such practitioners in the social sciences and humanities.

Using one of the continent’s supposed pathfinders, Cameroon as case-study, this book interrogates judiciary in Africa in three domains. First, as the third branch of government, second, as the acknowledged umpire of federalism, and, finally, as a means of reversing the institutionalization of in-human rights and injustice administration in Africa. While examining the roots and causes of the persisting human rights and justice administration problems in Cameroon particularly, and Africa in general, the book through the tumbu-tumbu Long-Distance Government Theory (LDGT), argues for a rethinking and freeing of strategies currently used from close to a century of colonial and neo-colonial bondage, under the confusing covers of ‘independence’ and of ‘advanced democracy’. The book challenges Africa to consider a mentality change, for a ‘real’ judiciary transformative change. The book will interest legal practitioners, social anthropologists, development studies and political science practitioners, among other such practitioners in the social sciences and humanities.

This book seeks to use the burning issue of multiculturalism (bilingualism particularly) to offer an appreciation of the roots and dynamics of the Ambazonia-Cameroun war, which has been raging for the past five years and counting. An understanding of Cameroon's language management and national unity policies is provided here through a comparative survey of the language politics of four other countries: two of them European (Belgium and Switzerland), one North American (Canada), and the other Third World and Asian (Indonesia). The author argues better language governance policies that gainfully protect minorities, as well as fostering the goals of national and continental unity and development, Cameroon (and, by extension, the anticipated UDA) must emulate from European countries like Belgium and Switzerland rather than from Canada which is traditionally regarded as 'the Cameroon of North America'.

This book comes to educate, re-enlighten, entertain curious minds, and stiffly challenge traditionalism in the academia - all at the same time. It is frantalkist (calls a spade a spade), crisebacological (balanced critical thinking), expibasketical (experience-based learning and taeching) and highly informative. It aims at reversing the abstract-learning trend by relating education and living to people's day-to-day realities. It brings to the entire world the Immaculate Freedom, Unity and Development Theory from Africa that is anchored on the trinity of Crisebacology, Frantalkism and Giveantakism. You wouldn't expect to hear everything here from me, of course. Better go inside where I have actually done the lecturing and discover the treasure for yourself!

The contribution works toward achieving its mentality-changing goals by essentially providing Afrikentication lessons radiating principally around the theme: Making African education relevant to African liberation and progress. The linchpin of the book is that we Africans truly need to cease dangling uselessly and reclaim our authentic roots if we have to independently move forward. This is an objective we clearly cannot correctly achieve when our intellectuals and universities (among others) who are supposed to be furnishing our liberation movements with sane policy and thought-leadership do continue in the same old colonial way of sheepish ‘theorising’ that excessively indulges in obliterating genuine African perspectives. Indigenous African education is the way to go! An inevitable rethinking in education, culture, and religion in Africa is recommended, basing on innovation and critical thinking which are sure highlights of communalism, which is a defining feature of the African way of life. The book thus harps on the need to recentralise African values and philosophy in the freedom and governance of the continent, as well as stressing the dire need for unity and visionary, dedicated and patriotic leadership.

In this comprehensive, well-reasoned, critical, richly documented and boldly argued account on the Anglophone/Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia crisis, John Forje, a foremost scholar of identity politics in Cameroon, offers insightful explorations and explanations of histories and cultures of telling truth to power that have come to be associated with the people of the English-speaking region of Cameroon. The book offers realistic perspectives for the reinstitution of justice, equality, and democratic governance in a country of plenty but lavishing in endemic underdevelopment. Forje argues, among other things, that the current Anglophone crisis is the exhibition of one reality: that more than half-a-century after independence and unification, most Cameroonians are grossly disillusioned with their leaders. The country has had only two presidents since independence - Ahmadou Ahidjo and Paul Biya, with the latter occupying the presidency for 40 years since 1982 and counting. If something concrete is not undertaken now, the cleavages of division would widen to a dangerous end. Dark clouds hang over the future of the country. Uncertainty about national unity and stability is hardly a solid foundation for a country aspiring to be an emerging polity by 2035. There is an urgent need for a broader dimension of political dispensation in Cameroon. The book calls for proper soul-searching, critical analysis, and a new, comprehensive and visionary mindset to build a new country out of the ashes of the existing crumbling or failed polity. The need to re-rail Cameroon on the democratic train and on the path of sustainable development cannot be overemphasized.

The time of the truth has finally come for one, cannot suppress the truth forever. It is about the unspoken implications of Africa’s totalitarian regimes, under the umbrella of colonial imperialists, with their wicked stooge leaders, with insatiable appetite for power rage to crush people’s freedom now as it has ever been. Those who dare resist Colonial oppression, they paid the price. People all over, have endured relentless brutality conspired by wicked politicians, whose occupations and purpose is to misuse power to justify their lust for vengeance. Nobody can escape their wrath, as the seed of treachery and political contamination of mind and soul, was apparent from day one Africa was invaded by the West. Resisting imperialism could be incredibly painful, devastating and catastrophic, and could wreak lives today, as it has ever been. Patrice Lumumba, the first Prime Minister of Zaire, was first victim of resisting fascism and his penalty was death in 1961. Steve Biko, the NAC leader of S.Africa, paid ultimate price for fighting apartheid, while N. Mandela and Mzee Kenyatta of Kenya, escaped narrowly with detention. Kings, Mwanga and Mutesa of Buganda and Dr.Kwame Nkruma of Ghana, also paid ultimate price for resisting fascism of the Colonial Imperialism.