Throughout the 20th century, Egyptian nationalism has alternately revolved around three primary axes: a local Egyptian territorial nationalism, a sense of Arab ethnic-linguistic nationalism, and an identification with the wider Muslim community. This detailed study is devoted to the first major phase in the perennial debate over nationalism in modern Egypt--the territorial nationalism dominant in Egypt in the early 20th century. The first section of the book examines the effects of World War I and its aftermath, which temporarily gave rise to an exclusively Egyptianist national orientation in Egypt. Subsequent sections consider the intellectual and political dimensions of Egyptian interwar years. Egypt, Islam and the Arabs is the first volume in a new Oxford series, Studies in Middle Eastern History. The General Editors of the series are Bernard Lewis of Princeton University, Itamar Rabinovich of Tel Aviv University, and Roger M. Savory of the University of Toronto.

International regional organizations are created to serve the interests of the member states. The Arab League, the second oldest continuously existing regional organization of its kind (only the Organization of American States has a longer history), was established in 1945 to serve, in the view of the founding fathers, the interests and aspirations of the Arab people. The main objective of this study is to show that regional organizations are often used by the major regional powers to advance their foreign policy goals, as the case of Egypt in the League of Arab States during the tenure of President Gamal Abdel-Nasser clearly shows. First published in 1985. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

As the Arab states come to grips with new realities in the Middle East - the shifts in political and economic power in the region, the growing ascendency of fundamentalist Islam over Nationalist and pan-Arab ideologies of the past and the changing dynamics of the Palestinian problem - the course that Mubarak charts for Egypt has become a factor of key importance. In this book, a career Foreign Service officer examines the changes that are taking place in Egyptian attitudes and policies toward the Arab world from three perspectives - the ways in which Egypt pursued its regional interests under Nasser and Sadat, the policy constraints imposed by political, economic and social forces within Egypt, and the dynamics of Egyptian-Arab relations since the October War.

Based on a decade of research, including in-depth interviews with many leading figures in the story, this edition is essential for anyone who wants to understand the roots of the turmoil engulfing the Middle East, from civil wars to the rise of Al-Qaeda and ISIS.

How did Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood win power so quickly after the dramatic “Arab Spring” uprising that ended President Hosni Mubarak’s thirty-year reign in February 2011? And why did the Brotherhood fall from power even more quickly, culminating with the popular “rebellion” and military coup that toppled Egypt’s first elected president, Brotherhood leader Mohamed Morsi, in July 2013? In Arab Fall, Eric Trager examines the Brotherhood’s decision making throughout this critical period, explaining its reasons for joining the 2011 uprising, running for a majority of the seats in the 2011–2012 parliamentary elections, and nominating a presidential candidate despite its initial promise not to do so. Based on extensive research in Egypt and interviews with dozens of Brotherhood leaders and cadres including Morsi, Trager argues that the very organizational characteristics that helped the Brotherhood win power also contributed to its rapid downfall. The Brotherhood’s intensive process for recruiting members and its rigid nationwide command-chain meant that it possessed unparalleled mobilizing capabilities for winning the first post-Mubarak parliamentary and presidential elections. Yet the Brotherhood’s hierarchical organizational culture, in which dissenters are banished and critics are viewed as enemies of Islam, bred exclusivism. This alienated many Egyptians, including many within Egypt’s state institutions. The Brotherhood’s insularity also prevented its leaders from recognizing how quickly the country was slipping from their grasp, leaving hundreds of thousands of Muslim Brothers entirely unprepared for the brutal crackdown that followed Morsi’s overthrow. Trager concludes with an assessment of the current state of Egyptian politics and examines the Brotherhood’s prospects for reemerging.

A comprehensive portrayal of Egypt from the fourth to the seventh centuries.