The collapse of communism in Europe, the quest for economic security and the War on Terror have all affected China's view of security matters. Ong provides a comprehensive study of the new policy and security challenges China faces in the coming years. Covering all of China's current security interests and concerns, this remarkable book includes chapters on Chinese concepts of security, the role of the United States, and regional tensions including the Korean peninsula, Japan, Taiwan, and China’s quest for ‘great power’ status.

Concentrates on the economic and political aspects of China's security agenda, which have, to a certain extent, been given less prominence in most security studies on China.

The collapse of communism in Europe, the quest for economic security and the War on Terror have all affected China's view of security matters. Ong provides a comprehensive study of the new policy and security challenges China faces in the coming years. Covering all of China's current security interests and concerns, this remarkable book includes chapters on Chinese concepts of security, the role of the United States, and regional tensions including the Korean peninsula, Japan, Taiwan, and China’s quest for ‘great power’ status.

China’s reaction to the United States’ new maritime strategy will significantly impact its success, according to three Naval War College professors. Based on the premise that preventing wars is as important as winning wars, this new U.S. strategy, they explain, embodies a historic reassessment of the international system and how the United States can best pursue its interests in cooperation with other nations. The authors contend that despite recent turbulence in U.S.-China military relations, substantial shared interests could enable extensive U.S.-China maritime security cooperation, as they attempt to reach an understanding of “competitive coexistence.” But for professionals to structure cooperation, they warn, Washington and Beijing must create sufficient political and institutional space.

This book examines the roles played by China and Europe in the domain of international security in the 21st century. Bringing together Chinese and European expertise on the Sino-European Security relationship , this book positions Europe - both the EU and the major national actors - and China in a global security context. It offers not merely an elaboration of the theme of bilateral security relations, but also introduces a wider view on Europe and China as global security actors. The chapters cover four main themes: the perceptions of and actual relations between Europe and China as security actors; relations of China and Europe with third parties such as the US, Russia, and Iran; Europe and China as actors in multilateral security approaches; Europe and China as (potential) security actors in each other’s technological domain or region. Given the increasingly prominent roles that both China and Europe play in international security as permanent members of the UN Security Council (in the European case, through the informal and partial representation of the UK and France), through their extensive global economic interests, and their important relations with the USA, this book provides a timely examination of the current state and future developments in the Sino-European relationship. This book will be of much interest to students of international security, Chinese politics, EU studies and IR in general.

Xi Jinping has made his ambitions for the People's Liberation Army (PLA) perfectly clear, there is no mystery what he wants, first, that China should become a "great maritime power" and secondly, that the PLA "become a world-class armed force by 2050." He wants this latter objective to be largely completed by 2035. China as a Twenty-First-Century Naval Power focuses on China's navy and how it is being transformed to satisfy the "world class" goal. Beginning with an exploration of why China is seeking to become such a major maritime power, author Michael McDevitt first explores the strategic rationale behind Xi's two objectives. China's reliance on foreign trade and overseas interests such as China's Belt and Road strategy. In turn this has created concerns within the senior levels of China's military about the vulnerability of its overseas interests and maritime life-lines. is a major theme. McDevitt dubs this China's "sea lane anxiety" and traces how this has required the PLA Navy to evolve from a "near seas"-focused navy to one that has global reach; a "blue water navy." He details how quickly this transformation has taken place, thanks to a patient step-by-step approach and abundant funding. The more than 10 years of anti-piracy patrols in the far reaches of the Indian Ocean has acted as a learning curve accelerator to "blue water" status. McDevitt then explores the PLA Navy's role in the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. He provides a detailed assessment of what the PLAN will be expected to do if Beijing chooses to attack Taiwan potentially triggering combat with America's "first responders" in East Asia, especially the U.S. Seventh Fleet and U.S. Fifth Air Force. He conducts a close exploration of how the PLA Navy fits into China's campaign plan aimed at keeping reinforcing U.S. forces at arm's length (what the Pentagon calls anti-access and area denial [A2/AD]) if war has broken out over Taiwan, or because of attacks on U.S. allies and friends that live in the shadow of China. McDevitt does not know how Xi defines "world class" but the evidence from the past 15 years of building a blue water force has already made the PLA Navy the second largest globally capable navy in the world. This book concludes with a forecast of what Xi's vision of a "world-class navy" might look like in the next fifteen years when the 2035 deadline is reached.