This book examines BritainOs role and influence in a pivotal decade. The postwar international order was still taking shape in the 1950s. Much was unsettled, and in these circumstances Britain could realistically expect to remain, and be treated as, one of the 'Big Three' world powers along with the United States and Soviet Union. Some adjustments were required in British priorities and methods, in view of changing pressures and needs at home and abroad, but the continuing desire was to make BritainOs position 'tenable' in those parts of the world that were of special importance to British prestige, power, strategy, prosperity, and security. This book elucidates the motives behind key decisions, discusses their far-reaching consequences, explains why some options were taken and others rejected, and places British policy-making in the appropriate international context. Designed primarily for undergraduate and beginning postgraduate students, the book offers an up-to-date, single volume treatment of major themes in British and international history; historiographical synthesis and comment; detailed narrative; accessible, easy-to-follow analysis; and a clear, evidence-based point of view concerning the survival of British power in challenging times.

Since its founding, the United States has allied with unsavory dictatorships to thwart even more urgent security threats. How well has the United States managed such alliances, and what have been their consequences for its national security? In this book, Evan N. Resnick examines the negotiating tables between the United States and its allies of convenience since World War II and sets forth a novel theory of alliance bargaining. Resnick’s neoclassical realist theory explains why U.S. leaders negotiate less effectively with unfriendly autocratic states than with friendly liberal ones. Since policy makers struggle to mobilize domestic support for controversial alliances, they seek to cast those allies in the most benign possible light. Yet this strategy has the perverse result of weakening leverage in intra-alliance disputes. Resnick tests his theory on America’s Cold War era alliances with China, Pakistan, and Iraq. In all three cases, otherwise hardline presidents bargained anemically on such pivotal issues as China’s sales of ballistic missiles, Pakistan’s development of nuclear weapons, and Iraq’s sponsorship of international terrorism. In contrast, U.S. leaders are more inclined to bargain aggressively with democratic allies who do not provoke domestic opposition, as occurred with the United Kingdom during the Korean War. An innovative work on a crucial and timely international relations topic, Allies of Convenience explains why the United States has mismanaged these “deals with the devil”—with deadly consequences.

Marco Wyss examines the extensive Anglo-Swiss armaments relationship between 1945 and 1958 in light of their bilateral relations, and thereby assesses the role of arms transfers, neutrality and Britain, as well as the two countries' relationship during the Cold War.

Examines how German reunification and the end of the Quadripartite Agreement in 1990 impacted the AngloAmerican special relationshipLuca Ratti offers new insights into the role of the Anglo-American aspecial relationship in German reunification, and examines the impact that Germanys reunification had on Anglo-American and transatlantic relations. Germanys unification in October 1990 was one of the most momentous events in modern European history and world politics since the end of World War II. German unity ended the Cold War in Europe, accelerated the collapse of communist regimes across Eastern Europe, and the disintegration of the USSR in 1991. It also triggered NATOs transformation at the London and Rome summits of the Alliance and deepened Europes political and economic integration with the signing of the treaty of Maastricht in 1992. Key FeaturesAnalyses and compares attitudes, reactions and developments in the US and BritainConsiders their interface with the views and initiatives of the West German governmentOffers new insight into an issue central to Anglo-American and transatlantic relationsIncludes interview with key decision makers involved in the negotiations in 198990 such as John Major, James Baker III, Helmut Khol and Hans Dietrich Genscher

In Asia the 1950s were dominated by political decolonization and the emergence of the Cold War system, and newly independent countries were able to utilize the transformed balance of power for their own economic development through economic and strategic aid programmes. This book examines the interconnections between the transfer of power and state governance in Asia, the emergence of the Cold War, and the transfer of hegemony from the UK to the US, by focusing specifically on the historical roles of international economic aid and the autonomous response from Asian nation states in the immediate post-war context. The Transformation of the International Order of Asia offers closely interwoven perspectives on international economic and political relations from the 1950s to the 1960s, with specific focus on the Colombo Plan and related aid policies of the time. It shows how the plan served different purposes: Britain’s aim to reduce India’s wartime sterling balances in London; the quest for India’s economic independence under Jawaharlal Nehru; Japan’s regional economic assertion and its endeavour to improve its international status; Britain’s publicity policy during the reorganization of British aid policies at a time of economic crisis; and more broadly, the West’s desire to counter Soviet influence in Asia. In doing so, the chapters explore how international economic aid relations became reorganized in relation to the independent development of states in Asia during the period, and crucially, the role this transformation played in the emergence of a new international order in Asia. Drawing on a wide range of international contemporary and archival source materials, this book will be welcomed by students and scholars interested in Asian, international, and economic history, politics and development studies.

Racism and imperialism are the twin forces that propelled the course of the United States in the world in the early twentieth century and in turn affected the way that diplomatic history and international relations were taught and understood in the American academy. Evolutionary theory, social Darwinism, and racial anthropology had been dominant doctrines in international relations from its beginnings; racist attitudes informed research priorities and were embedded in newly formed professional organizations. In White World Order, Black Power Politics, Robert Vitalis recovers the arguments, texts, and institution building of an extraordinary group of professors at Howard University, including Alain Locke, Ralph Bunche, Rayford Logan, Eric Williams, and Merze Tate, who was the first black female professor of political science in the country.Within the rigidly segregated profession, the "Howard School of International Relations" represented the most important center of opposition to racism and the focal point for theorizing feasible alternatives to dependency and domination for Africans and African Americans through the early 1960s. Vitalis pairs the contributions of white and black scholars to reconstitute forgotten historical dialogues and show the critical role played by race in the formation of international relations.