This translation of Aldo Capitiniâ (TM)s quasi-autobiography is long overdue. It presents an edited series of his writings spanning his lifetime (1899-1968). An Italian philosopher of nonviolence, poet, teacher, political and non-secular religious man of compresence and persuasion, Capitini encouraged his readers to embrace the philosophy of noncooperation, nonviolence, and nonmendacity. Self-taught, later removed from his university position and imprisoned as an anti-fascist, he opted for liberalsocialism and â oeon-the-ground strategies for social changeâ . His civil rights movement, somewhere between that of Martin Luther King and Gandhi, insisted on ever-pertinent and frighteningly contemporary concepts. The founder of the first Italian vegetarian association (1952) and the first Perugia Assisi Peace March (1961), Capitini preferred to work from the bottom-up and refused to become an elected political figure, which eventually led to his exclusion from official political participation. His revolutionary voice epitomizes a fundamental part of democratic involvement: if we participate, â oetodayâ (TM)s utopia can be tomorrowâ (TM)s realityâ .

This translation of Aldo Capitini’s quasi-autobiography is long overdue. It presents an edited series of his writings spanning his lifetime (1899-1968). An Italian philosopher of nonviolence, poet, teacher, political and non-secular religious man of compresence and persuasion, Capitini encouraged his readers to embrace the philosophy of noncooperation, nonviolence, and nonmendacity. Self-taught, later removed from his university position and imprisoned as an anti-fascist, he opted for liberalsocialism and “on-the-ground strategies for social change”. His civil rights movement, somewhere between that of Martin Luther King and Gandhi, insisted on ever-pertinent and frighteningly contemporary concepts. The founder of the first Italian vegetarian association (1952) and the first Perugia Assisi Peace March (1961), Capitini preferred to work from the bottom-up and refused to become an elected political figure, which eventually led to his exclusion from official political participation. His revolutionary voice epitomizes a fundamental part of democratic involvement: if we participate, “today’s utopia can be tomorrow’s reality”.

This translation of Aldo Capitiniâ (TM)s quasi-autobiography is long overdue. It presents an edited series of his writings spanning his lifetime (1899-1968). An Italian philosopher of nonviolence, poet, teacher, political and non-secular religious man of compresence and persuasion, Capitini encouraged his readers to embrace the philosophy of noncooperation, nonviolence, and nonmendacity. Self-taught, later removed from his university position and imprisoned as an anti-fascist, he opted for liberalsocialism and â oeon-the-ground strategies for social changeâ . His civil rights movement, somewhere between that of Martin Luther King and Gandhi, insisted on ever-pertinent and frighteningly contemporary concepts. The founder of the first Italian vegetarian association (1952) and the first Perugia Assisi Peace March (1961), Capitini preferred to work from the bottom-up and refused to become an elected political figure, which eventually led to his exclusion from official political participation. His revolutionary voice epitomizes a fundamental part of democratic involvement: if we participate, â oetodayâ (TM)s utopia can be tomorrowâ (TM)s realityâ .

In this compelling text, choreographer and psychotherapist Beatrice Allegranti invites the reader into the transdisciplinary Moving Kinship project. Moving Kinship spans a decade of practice-led research with people experiencing early onset dementia; Black feminist activists; psychotherapists; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer artists and activists; capoeiristas; and an international team of professional dancers and composers, musicians and scientists. Allegranti’s practice is a more-than-collaboration: it involves accounting for deeply embodied and embedded oppression and privilege in the micro-relating of everyday life. She discusses this reckoning as a kin-aesthetic practice, and the message is foundationally feminist. The book opens possibilities for different registers of feminist justice and puts feminist new materialism, posthumanism and intersectional body politics to work in ways that affirm the paradox that every living thing moves everywhere, all the time, yet every movement is never neutral. As a white Italian-Irish feminist with a transgenerational legacy of the corrosive impact of fascism, she also weaves her own kinship story into dominating systems of patriarchy, colonialism and capitalism, intersecting in ways that are alive and well today. Moving Kinship offers a rich resource for feminist activists and scholars, trauma-informed therapists, somatic, movement and dance practitioners, artists and those interested in ethical and politically just ways to materially engage with grief, loss, dispossession and trauma.

We know of the blood and tears provoked by the projects of transformation of the world through war or revolution. Starting from the essay published in 1921 by Walter Benjamin, twentieth century philosophy has been committed to the criticism of violence, even when it has claimed to follow noble ends. But what do we know of the dilemmas, of the “betrayals,” of the disappointments and tragedies which the movement of non-violence has suffered? This book tells a fascinating history: from the American Christian organizations in the first decades of the nineteenth century who wanted to eliminate slavery and war in a non-violent way, to the protagonists of movements—Thoreau, Tolstoy, Gandhi, Capitini, M. L. King, the Dalai Lama—who either for idealism or for political calculation flew the flag of non-violence, up to the leaders of today’s “color revolutions.”

Nonviolent methods of action have been a powerful tool since the early twentieth century for social protest and revolutionary social and political change, and there is diffuse awareness that nonviolence is an efficient spontaneous choice of movements, individuals and whole nations. Yet from a conceptual standpoint, nonviolence struggles to engage with key contemporary political issues: the role of religion in a post-secular world; the crisis of democracy; and the use of supposedly ‘nonviolent techniques’ for violent aims. Drawing on classic thinkers and contemporary authors, in particular the Italian philosopher Aldo Capitini, this book shows that nonviolence is inherently a non-systematic and flexible system with no pure, immaculate thought at its core. Instead, at the core of nonviolence there is praxis, which is impure because while it aims at freedom and plurality it is made of less than perfect actions performed in an imperfect environment by flawed individuals. Offering a more progressive, transformative and at the same time pluralistic concept of nonviolence, this book is an original conceptual analysis of political theory which will appeal to students of international relations, global politics, security studies, peace studies and democratic theory.

Anyone interested in the entire sweep of political thought over the last hundred years will find in Norberto Bobbio's Ideological Profile of Twentieth-Century Italy a masterful, thought-provoking guide. Home to the largest communist party in a democratic society, Italy has been a unique place politically, one where Christian democrats, liberals, fascists, socialists, communists, and others have co-existed in sizable numbers. In this book, Bobbio, who himself played an outstanding role in the development of Italian civic culture, follows each of the major ideologies, explaining how they developed, describing the key actors, and considering the legacies they left to political culture. He wrote Ideological Profile in 1968 to explain from a personal perspective the history behind that decade's tumultuous politics. Bobbio's defense of democracy and critique of capitalism are among the themes that will particularly interest American readers of this updated edition, the first to appear in English. Beginning in the late nineteenth century with positivism and Marxism, Bobbio next presents the ideological currents that developed before the outbreak of the First World War: Catholic, socialist, irrational and anti-democratic thought, the reaction against positivism, and the thinking of Benedetto Croce. After discussing the impact of the war, the author turns to the revolutionary-reactionary polarization of the postwar period and the ideology of fascism. The final chapters consider Croce's opposition to fascism and the ideals of the resistance and conclude with the post-Second World War "Years of Involvement." Originally published in 1995. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.