William III (1650-1702) was Stadholder in the United Provinces and King of England, Scotland and Ireland. His reign has always intrigued historians, as it encompassed such defining events as the Dutch year of Disaster (1672), the Glorious Revolution (1688) and the ensuing wars against France. Although William has played a pivotal role in the political and religious history of his countries, the significance and international impact of his reign is still not very well understood. This volume contains a number of innovative essays from specialists in the field, which have evolved from papers delivered to an international conference held at the University of Utrecht in December 2002. By focusing on the entire period 1650-1702 from an international perspective, the volume moves historical discussion away from the traditional analysis of single events to encompass William's entire reign from a variety of political, religious, intellectual and cultural positions. In so doing it offers a new perspective on the British and Dutch reigns of William III, as well as the wider European milieu.

A detailed study in the struggle for power between seventeenth-century European ruling elites. This book tells the story of William of Orange before he became the king of England, examining the system of clan family and patron-client relationships across Europe on which the prince's political and diplomatic influences rested. His skillful personal ability with the political elites in the Dutch Republic and England enabled his rise to power in the republic and later to the throne of England. Providing a full and detailed recounting of the dramatic clash between William's regime with Louis XIV's governance of France, the book does not shy away from engaging in historical controversies. The action that gives the story its impetus will be of equal interest to academics and general historians alike. Drawing from English and Dutch sources and historiography, the book is a major contribution to academic studies of this crucial historical figure of the second half of the seventeenth century.

In Britain the name of William III is synonymous with sectarianism and Orangism. Ever since he burst onto the English political landscape in 1688 to take the throne of his catholic uncle, James II, William has tended to be viewed within a largely domestic sphere. Yet, it has been acknowledged that William's main motivation in accepting the English crown was to aid the ongoing struggles of the United Provinces against the might of Louis XIV's France. Whilst both the British and European aspects of William's activities have been studied before, there has until now been no English language book that draws together both his Dutch and British concerns. In this book, made available in English for the first time, Wout Troost exploits his detailed knowledge of Dutch, English, Scottish and Irish sources to paint a holistic and convincing political analysis of William's reign. Beginning with a brief biography of William, the real strength of this book lies in its analysis of the first part of William's reign before the events of 1688. It is this crucial period that has been most neglected by English-speaking historians, despite the fact that it is crucial to understanding the events that follow. For without an appreciation of William's formative years as Stadholder and soldier, his actions and decisions relating to the English crown cannot be properly construed. Providing a truly balanced insight into the political career of William, this book will be welcomed by all those with in interest in European history, or who wish to better understand the political and religious geography of modern Britain. The translation of this book was made possible by a generous subsidy from NWO, the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek.

Descended from a long line of doughty warriors and statesmen, William Prince of Orange was born in the Hague during November1650, son of a Dutch father and a Scottish Stuart Princess, eldest daughter of Charles I. Banned at first from succeeding to his hereditary offices by the Act of Seclusion, William's boyhood was rather lonely. His early life was bounded by the Anglo-Dutch naval wars during Cromwell's Protectorate and after the Restoration of Charles II. Acquiring his first military experience during the invasion of Holland by King Louis XIV in 1672, he revealed qualities of heroism and patriotism, refusing to submit to the might of France. He was, above all, a European, having an intimate knowledge of her various peoples. Bryan Bevan, in his new biography of the Prince, discusses William's qualities as a statesman, revealing his many virtues but not silent as to his marked faults. What were his real motives when invading his father-in-law James' kingdom? William III, reigning jointly with Mary II, had an unusual marriage but the deep attachment he felt for her surprised many. However, for the most part, in his private and public life, men friends mattered more to him than female society. William's bravery in battle has never been questioned. but he was never a great soldier. His greatness shone rather in his patience and skill in forging a grand alliance of nations against Louis XIV's ambition to dominate Europe. He was before his time in belief in the balance of power. 207p, 8 b/w pls (Rubicon Press 1997)

From the Pulitzer Prize-winning culture critic for Time magazine comes the tremendously controversial, yet highly persuasive, argument that our devotion to the largely unexamined myth of egalitarianism lies at the heart of the ongoing "dumbing of America." Americans have always stubbornly clung to the myth of egalitarianism, of the supremacy of the individual average man. But here, at long last, Pulitzer Prize-winning critic William A. Henry III takes on, and debunks, some basic, fundamentally ingrained ideas: that everyone is pretty much alike (and should be); that self-fulfillment is more imortant thant objective achievement; that everyone has something significant to contribute; that all cultures offer something equally worthwhile; that a truly just society would automatically produce equal success results across lines of race, class, and gender; and that the common man is almost always right. Henry makes clear, in a book full of vivid examples and unflinching opinions, that while these notions are seductively democratic they are also hopelessly wrong.