"This book is a scholarly treatment of messianism in ancient Judaism and Christianity. In particular, and in contrast to other recent treatments, it is a study of what we might call the grammar of messianism, that is, the patterns of language inherited from the Hebrew Bible that all ancient messiah texts, Jewish and Christian, use. It makes the point that all ancient messiah texts are creative efforts at negotiating a shared set of linguistic possibilities and limitations inherited from the Hebrew Bible. The distinguishing features of the book are several: First, breaking with an ideologically loaded tradition, it incorporates both Jewish and Christian texts as evidence for this discursive practice. Second, rather than drawing up a taxonomy of types of ancient messiah figures, it analyzes a range of other more specific issues raised by the texts themselves. Third, it cuts the Gordian knot of the longstanding question of the prominence of messianism in antiquity, suggesting that that question is ultimately unanswerable but also entirely unnecessary for an understanding of the pertinent texts"--

Messianism is one of the great themes in intellectual history. But because it has done so much important ideological work for the people who have written about it, the historical roots of the discourse have been obscured from view. What did it mean to talk about "messiahs" in the ancient world, before the idea of messianism became a philosophical juggernaut, dictating the terms for all subsequent discussion of the topic? In this book, Matthew V. Novenson offers a revisionist account of messianism in antiquity. He shows that, for the ancient Jews and Christians who used the term, a messiah was not an article of faith but a manner of speaking. It was a scriptural figure of speech, one among numerous others, useful for thinking about kinds of political order: present or future, real or ideal, monarchic or theocratic, dynastic or charismatic, and other variations besides. The early Christians famously seized upon the title "messiah" (in Greek, "Christ") for their founding hero and molded the sense of the term in certain ways; but, Novenson shows, this is just what all ancient messiah texts do, each in its own way. If we hope to understand the ancient texts about messiahs (from Deutero-Isaiah to the Parables of Enoch, from the Qumran Community Rule to the Gospel of John, from the Pseudo-Clementines to Sefer Zerubbabel), we must learn to think not in terms of a world-historical idea but of a language game, of so many creative reuses of an archaic Israelite idiom. In The Grammar of Messianism, Novenson demonstrates the possibility and the benefit of thinking of messianism in this way.

"This book is a scholarly treatment of messianism in ancient Judaism and Christianity. In particular, and in contrast to other recent treatments, it is a study of what we might call the grammar of messianism, that is, the patterns of language inherited from the Hebrew Bible that all ancient messiah texts, Jewish and Christian, use. It makes the point that all ancient messiah texts are creative efforts at negotiating a shared set of linguistic possibilities and limitations inherited from the Hebrew Bible. The distinguishing features of the book are several: First, breaking with an ideologically loaded tradition, it incorporates both Jewish and Christian texts as evidence for this discursive practice. Second, rather than drawing up a taxonomy of types of ancient messiah figures, it analyzes a range of other more specific issues raised by the texts themselves. Third, it cuts the Gordian knot of the longstanding question of the prominence of messianism in antiquity, suggesting that that question is ultimately unanswerable but also entirely unnecessary for an understanding of the pertinent texts"--

He then traces the rise and fall of "the messianic idea"' in Jewish studies and gives an alternative account of early Jewish messiah language: the convention worked because there existed both an accessible pool of linguistic resources and a community of competent language users. Whereas it is commonly objected that the normal rules for understanding "christos" do not apply in the case of Paul since he uses the word as a name rather than a title, Novenson shows that "christos" in Paul is neither a name nor a title but rather a Greek honorific, like Epiphanes or Augustus. Focusing on several set phrases that have been taken as evidence that Paul either did or did not use "christos" in its conventional sense, Novenson concludes that the question cannot be settled at the level of formal grammar. Examining nine passages in which Paul comments on how he means the word "christos", Novenson shows that they do all that we normally expect any text to do to count as a messiah text.

"A compendium of approximately three hundred texts-in Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic, Latin, Ethiopic, Syriac, Coptic, and other languages-that are important for the study of Jewish messianism and early Christology, with a critical apparatus and translation for each text, thematic tagging that enables textual cross-referencing, and bibliography"--

Over the centuries, the messianic tradition has provided the language through which modern Jewish philosophers, socialists, and Zionists envisioned a utopian future. Michael L. Morgan, Steven Weitzman, and an international group of leading scholars ask new questions and provide new ways of thinking about this enduring Jewish idea. Using the writings of Gershom Scholem, which ranged over the history of messianic belief and its conflicted role in the Jewish imagination, these essays put aside the boundaries that divide history from philosophy and religion to offer new perspectives on the role and relevance of messianism today.

This book traces the history of the idea that the king and later the messiah is Son of God, from its origins in ancient Near Eastern royal ideology to its Christian appropriation in the New Testament. Both highly regarded scholars, Adela Yarbro Collins and John J. Collins argue that Jesus was called “the Son of God” precisely because he was believed to be the messianic king. This belief and tradition, they contend, led to the identification of Jesus as preexistent, personified Wisdom, or a heavenly being in the New Testament canon. However, the titles Jesus is given are historical titles tracing back to Egyptian New Kingdom ideology. Therefore the title “Son of God” is likely solely messianic and not literal. King and Messiah as Son of God is distinctive in its range, spanning both Testaments and informed by ancient Near Eastern literature and Jewish noncanonical literature.