Seminar paper from the year 2015 in the subject Politics - Political systems in general and in comparison, grade: 1,3, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nuremberg (Institut für Politische Wissenschaft), course: Mastercourse: American Conflict and Crisis Management in the 21st Century, language: English, abstract: This paper aims to approach the subject of reorientation of the US foreign policy regarding the Pacific region. Priority will be set on military and alliance policy factors of main parties involved, first and foremost the USA. Moreover the issues of the strategy of reorientation in itself and problems that are involved will be addressed. In addition the following will be discussed: characteristics and implementation options and the question of relevance as to how this reorientation towards Asia means neglecting other regions like the Near East, and how the U.S. are to bring their global claim of validity in conformity with it. Tthe US have a strong presence of seaborne, airborne and ground-based facilities; numerous military materials, as well as personnel, are stationed in the state of Hawaii, Alaska and Guam. This includes troop concentrations in allied countries such as South Korea and Japan but also a rotating stationing of troops in some other partner countries within Pacific-Asia such as the Philippines and Australia. For some time past the USA have been turning towards the region of Southeast Asia and they are beginning to expand their political, economical and military engagement in this region of the world. There are diverse reasons for this such as an opening of new rising markets and the development of political and economical relations to significant emerging countries, and perhaps future industrialized countries of the 21st century. Another reason is China’s ascent as an important player regarding international relations which are significant to the US as well as to future relations of both countries.

Seminar paper from the year 2015 in the subject Politics - Political Systems - General and Comparisons, grade: 1,3, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nuremberg (Institut fur Politische Wissenschaft), course: Mastercourse: American Conflict and Crisis Management in the 21st Century, language: English, abstract: This paper aims to approach the subject of reorientation of the US foreign policy regarding the Pacific region. Priority will be set on military and alliance policy factors of main parties involved, first and foremost the USA. Moreover the issues of the strategy of reorientation in itself and problems that are involved will be addressed. In addition the following will be discussed: characteristics and implementation options and the question of relevance as to how this reorientation towards Asia means neglecting other regions like the Near East, and how the U.S. are to bring their global claim of validity in conformity with it. Tthe US have a strong presence of seaborne, airborne and ground-based facilities; numerous military materials, as well as personnel, are stationed in the state of Hawaii, Alaska and Guam. This includes troop concentrations in allied countries such as South Korea and Japan but also a rotating stationing of troops in some other partner countries within Pacific-Asia such as the Philippines and Australia. For some time past the USA have been turning towards the region of Southeast Asia and they are beginning to expand their political, economical and military engagement in this region of the world. There are diverse reasons for this such as an opening of new rising markets and the development of political and economical relations to significant emerging countries, and perhaps future industrialized countries of the 21st century. Another reason is China's ascent as an important player regarding international relations which are significant to the US as well as to future relations of both countries."

Barack Obama’s "rebalancing" or "pivot" strategy, intended to demonstrate continued US commitment to the Asia-Pacific region in a variety of military, economic, and diplomatic contexts, was launched with much fanfare in 2011. Implicit in the new strategy is both a focus on China – engagement with, and containment of – and a heavy reliance by the United States on its existing friends and allies in the region in order to implement its strategy. This book explores the impact of the new strategy on America’s regional friends and allies. It shows how these governments are working with Washington to advance and protect their distinct national interests, while at the same time avoiding any direct confrontation with China. It also addresses the reasons why many of these regional actors harbour concerns about the ability of the US to sustain the pivot strategy in the long run. Overall, the book illustrates the deep complexities of the United States’ exercise of power and influence in the region.

This book provides a multifaceted analysis of the so-called US 'rebalance' (or 'pivot') toward Asia by focusing on the diplomatic, military, and economic dimensions of the American policy shift in the Asia Pacific region.

Deciding when, where, and how to prioritize is the essence of strategy. U.S. President Barack Obama's decision to designate the Indo-Asia-Pacific (IAP) as his top regional priority made good sense, in light of the ongoing shift in economic power from West to East and the rise of China as a potential global and regional peer competitor. The Obama Administration has attempted to use all available instruments of American power--diplomatic, informational, military, and economic--to gain the support of regional friends and allies for its "pivot to Asia." Rather than a "one size fits all" approach, Washington has attempted to adapt its recruitment efforts to the specific interests and concerns of each regional actor. The U.S. campaign has benefitted from the fact that most IAP governments recognize the value of an active American presence in the region at a time of growing Chinese assertiveness. If Obama, and his successor, can sustain the pivot, it can serve as the foundation for U.S. grand strategy in the 21st century. This book captures America's historical relations with China and includes President Obama's administration for meeting Indo-Asia Pacific (IAP) growth through diplomatic, informational, military, and economic conditions.Historians, policy advocates, international business executives, international relations and political scientist scholars may be interested in this volume. Additionally, students pursuing coursework in Chinese studies, political science, international business, and foreign policy may be interested in this book for supplemental reading. Related products: Asia Eyes America; Regional Perspectives on U.S. Asian-Pacific Strategy in the Twenty-First Century is available here: https: //bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/008-046-00240-1 India-Japan Strategic Cooperation and Implications for U.S. Strategy in the Indo-Asia Pacific Region is available here: https: //bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/008-000-01237-7 The Asia-Pacific Century: Challenges and Opportunities can be found here: https: //bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/008-070-00868-8 U.S.-China Competition: Asia-Pacific Land Force Implications can be found here: https: //bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/008-000-01215-6

This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. This edited collection examines the political, economic and security legacies of former US President Barack Obama in Asia and the Pacific, following two terms in office between 2009 and 2017. In a region that has only become more vivid in the American political imagination since Obama left office, this volume interrogates the endurance of Obama’s legacies in what is increasingly reimagined in Washington as the Indo-Pacific. Advancing our understanding of Obama’s style, influence and impact throughout the region, this volume explores dimensions of US relations and interactions with key Indo-Pacific states including China, India, Japan, North Korea and Australia; multilateral institutions and organisations such the East Asia Summit and ASEAN; and salient issue areas such as regional security, politics and diplomacy, and the economy. How far has the Trump administration progressed in challenging or disrupting Obama’s Pivot to Asia? What differences can we discern in the declared or effective US strategy towards Asia and to what extent has it radically shifted or displaced Obama-era legacies? Including contributions from high-profile scholars and policy practitioners such as Michael Mastanduno, Bruce Cumings, Maryanne Kelton, Robert Sutter and Sumit Ganguly, contributors examine these questions at the halfway point of the 2017–21 Presidency of Donald Trump, as his administration opens a new and potentially divergent chapter of American internationalism.

Across the political spectrum, there is wide agreement that Asia should be at the center of US foreign policy. But this worldview, the "Pivot to Asia" announced by the Obama Administration in 2011, is a dramatic departure from the entire history of American grand strategy. Ten years on, we now have some perspective to evaluate it in depth. In The Lost Decade, Robert Blackwill and Richard Fontaine take this long view. They conclude that there are few successes to speak of, and that we lack a coherent approach to the Indo-Pacific region. They examine the Pivot through various lenses: situating it historically in the context of America's global foreign policy, revealing the inside story of how it came about, assessing the effort thus far, identifying the ramifications in other regions (namely Europe and the Middle East), and proposing a path forward.