Studies of China and Chineseness since the Cultural Revolution Volume 2: Micro Intellectual History through De-central LensesWhy have the influences of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (roughly 1966-1976) in contemporary China been so pervasive, profound, and long-lasting? This book posits that the Revolution challenged everyone to decide how they can and should be themselves.Even scholars who study the Cultural Revolution from a presumably external vantage point must end up with an ideological position relative to whom they study. This amounts to a focused curiosity toward the Maoist agenda rivaling its alternatives. As a result, the political lives after the Cultural Revolution remain, ulteriorly and ironically, Maoist to a ubiquitous extent.How then can we cleanse, forget, neutralize, rediscover, contextualize, realign, revitalize, or renovate Maoism? The authors contend that all must appropriate ideologies for political and analytical purposes and adapt to how others use ideological discourses. This book then invites its readers to re-examine ideology contexts for people to appreciate how they acquire their roles and duties. Those more practiced can even reversely give new meanings to reform, nationalism, foreign policy, or scholarship by shifting between Atheism, Maoism, Confucianism, and Marxism, incurring alternative ideological lenses to de-/legitimize their subject matter.

Hong Yung Lee’s account of the Cultural Revolution illuminates its complexities and subtleties to an unprecedented degree. His primary concern is with the behavior of the masses once they were freed from party control, and his analysis of voluminous Red Guard publications highlights the different membership characteristics, positions, and strategies of both the student Red Guards and the worker Revolutionary Rebels, divided internally along a conservative-radical line. Rejecting the ideologically oriented assumption that workers and students of worker or peasant origin comprised the majority of the radical elements, Lee argues that students of bourgeois and other “bad” origins, workers in small factories, “sent-down” students, and demobilized soldiers were the radicals, whereas students from families with pre-1949 revolutionary careers and workers in large-scale and modern enterprises were found in large numbers among the conservatives. He contends that, contrary to some social science theories, the radicals were motivated by rational rather than ideological considerations, and that they attacked the status quo because it was they who experienced discrimination under the existing political system, whereas the conservatives generally belonged to favored social groups. Lee demonstrates that an adequate history of the Cultural Revolution cannot restrict itself to an analysis of policy difference among the elites, but must consider the behavior of the masses and their relationship with the elites. This title is part of UC Press’s Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1978.

Studies of China and Chineseness since the Cultural Revolution Volume 1: Reinterpreting Ideologies and Ideological ReinterpretationsHow did the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution affect everyone's lives? Why did people re/negotiate their identities to adopt revolutionary roles and duties? How did people, who lived with different self-understandings and social relations, inevitably acquire and practice revolutionary identities, each in their own light?This book plunges into the contexts of these concerns to seek different relations that reveal the Revolution's different meanings. Furthermore, this book shows that scholars of the Cultural Revolution encountered emotional and intellectual challenges as they cared about the real people who owned an identity resource that could trigger an imagined thread of solidarity in their minds.The authors believe that the Revolution's magnitude and pervasive scope always resulted in individualized engagements that have significant and differing consequences for those struggling in their micro-context. It has impacted a future with unpredictable collective implications in terms of ethnicity, gender, memory, scholarship, or career. The Cultural Revolution is, therefore, an evolving relation beneath the rise of China that will neither fade away nor sanction integrative paths.

Based on a wide variety of unusual and only recently available sources, this book covers the entire Cultural Revolution decade (1966-76) and shows how the Cultural Revolution was experienced by ordinary Chinese at the base of urban and rural society. The contributors emphasize the complex interaction of state and society during this tumultuous period, exploring the way events originating at the center of political power changed people's lives and how, in turn, people's responses took the Cultural Revolution in unplanned and unanticipated directions. This approach offers a more fruitful way to understand the Cultural Revolution and its historical legacies. The book provides a new look at the student Red Guard movements, the effort to identify and cultivate potential "revolutionary" leaders in outlying provinces, stubborn resistance to campaigns to destroy the old culture, and the violence and mass killings in rural China.

"One reason why the influences of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (roughly 1966-1976) in contemporary China have been so pervasive, profound, and long-lasting is that it challenged everyone to decide how she can and should be herself. Even scholars who study the Cultural Revolution from a presumably external vantage point must end up with an ideological position relative to whom they study. This amounts to a focused curiosity toward the Maoist agenda rivaling its alternatives. As a result, the political lives after the Cultural Revolution remain, ulteriorly and ironically, Maoist to a ubiquitous extent - how then can we cleanse, forget, neutralize, rediscover, contextualize, realign, revitalize, or renovate Maoism? All must appropriate ideologies for political and analytical purposes and adapt to how others use ideological discourses. The contexts of ideology are thus under constant reexamination for people to appreciate how they acquire their roles and duties. Those more practiced can even reversely give new meanings to reform, nationalism, foreign policy, or scholarship by shifting between Atheism, Maoism, Confucianism, and Marxism, incurring alternative ideological lenses to de-/legitimize their subject matter."--

This set has been the fruit of the conference on 'Chinese Studies since the End of the Cultural Revolution', which is itself a product of the 'Intellectual History of China Studies' project, which began as early as 2014. This project saw the launches and successes of many such conferences hence, notwithstanding the COVID-19 pandemic and arrangements that had to be made to make the conferences happen. The rewards are abundant; thanks to the dedication and sacrifices of the editors, the best-presented papers that were the result of these intellectual gatherings now grace the pages of these two volumes.