This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

Excerpt from Speech of Cassius M. Clay Before the Law Department of the University of Albany, N. Y: February 3, 1863 The founders of our Republic were not ignorant of this fact: and, in the enacting clause of the Constitution, they declared one of its great objects to be, to establish justice. Tautological was it then in them to include liberty, among their purposes. For, without justice, there is no liberty; and what is liberty but justice - which, perceiv ing the true relation of all things, obeys them? Theseeternal relations of things are laws. Well may it then be said, that without law, there is no liberty. I stand before you the defender of law. A citizen of the United States, and a Republican, I would vindicate my party, and my country; for I believe they are one. I stand by the Union, the Constitution, and the laws. T 116 Constitution as it is. The Union as our designed it: as it ought to be: based not upon injustice, usurping the name of law; but truly upon the law of nature, and of nature's God. First, then, we claim the name of Republican, be cause it best represents what we are; it is a good name: let us never abandon it It is not our fault, in this crisis of life and death to the nation, that party names and party organizations are revived. I ardently hoped that, in this struggle for our national being, all citizens of the United States of America would have stood for them, in support of their chosen powers that -be. But the Democratic party has decreed otherwise: and we have nothing left but to accept the issue. I accept it with reluctance, but not with fear. I have no personal enmities to avenge the friends of my country are my friends: the enemies of my country are my enemies. If we are right, we will stand if we are wrong, we will fall. It is a signifi cant fact, that, the foes of our Republic abroad, in the rebel States, and in our Northern homes, all take common ground against us. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

The contributors in this interdisciplinary collection address the problem of interconnection between the study of the “Other,” either Russian or American, and the shaping of national identities in the two countries at different stages of US–Russian relations. The focus of research interests were typically determined by the political and social debates in scholars’ native countries. In this book, leading Russian and American scholars analyze the problems arising from these intersections of academic, political, and sociocultural contexts and the implicit biases they entail. The book is divided into two parts, the first being a historical overview of past configurations of the interrelationship between fields and agendas, and the second covering the role of institutionalized area studies in the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.In both parts the role of the “human factor” in the study of mutual representations is elucidating.