The discipline of social policy, oftentimes deemed a part of social work as a profession, was born in the West. Unlike social policy that started with the post-war idea of a welfare state in the mid-20th century, social work traces its roots to individual casework pioneered by the Charity Organization Society (COS), early social administration including state-wide poverty relief (an advocacy effort of the COS but with deep roots in the English Poor Laws of the 17th century), and social action emphasizing political activities to improve social conditions (originating from the Settlement House Movement which began in the 1880s). The development of social work is historically intertwined with that of public welfare, philanthropy, and charity and is an inherently international subject. This conception is broader than “international social work” as a discrete field of professional practice, which crosses geopolitical borders and all levels of social and economic organizations with a focus on development. However, each nation has a story of its own in terms of professionalization of social work in the evolution of public welfare and philanthropic/charitable undertaking within its particular economic, political, social, and cultural settings. A wide-ranging and in-depth study of various (especially non-Western) country cases is essential to an adequate, comprehensive understanding of the social work profession, which is also a basic requirement of its value of diversity. China is undoubtedly an important case with the largest population on earth. It’s also unique in view of so-called Chinese characteristics which are sometimes fundamentally different from other (particularly Western) societies. It’s even intriguing given the country’s lengthy, complex history and its recent, rapid rise to a global superpower with a claim of national goals and core values that seem to be rather considerable to social work as a helping profession. Therefore, any significant lessons learned from the Chinese experiences would help with a better international understanding and further advancement of social work and public welfare at a global scale.

Anyone who has ever had a job has probably experienced work-related stress at some point or another. For many workers, however, job-related stress is experienced every day and reaches more extreme levels. Four in ten American workers say that their jobs are “very” or “extremely” stressful. Job stress is recognized as an epidemic in the workplace, and its economic and health care costs are staggering: by some estimates over $ 1 billion per year in lost productivity, absenteeism and worker turnover, and at least that much in treating its health effects, ranging from anxiety and psychological depression to cardiovascular disease and hypertension. Why are so many American workers so stressed out by their jobs? Many psychologists say stress is the result of a mismatch between the characteristics of a job and the personality of the worker. Many management consultants propose reducing stress by “redesigning” jobs and developing better individual strategies for “coping” with their stress. But, these explanations are not the whole story. They don’t explain why some jobs and some occupations are more stressful than other jobs and occupations, regardless of the personalities and “coping strategies” of individual workers. Why do auto assembly line workers and air traffic controllers report more job stress than university professors, self-employed business owners, or corporate managers (yes, managers!)? The authors of Work and Mental Health in Social Context take a different approach to understanding the causes of job stress. Job stress is systematically created by the characteristics of the jobs themselves: by the workers’ occupation, the organizations in which they work, their placements in different labor markets, and by broader social, economic and institutional structures, processes and events. And disparities in job stress are systematically determined in much the same way as are other disparities in health, income, and mobility opportunities. In taking this approach, the authors draw on the observations and insights from a diverse field of sociological and economic theories and research. These go back to the nineteenth century writings of Marx, Weber and Durkheim on the relationship between work and well-being. They also include the more contemporary work in organizational sociology, structural labor market research from sociology and economics, research on unemployment and economic cycles, and research on institutional environments. This has allowed the authors to develop a unified framework that extends sociological models of income inequality and “status” attainment (or allocation) to the explanation of non-economic, health-related outcomes of work. Using a multi-level structural model, this timely and comprehensive volume explores what is stressful about work, and why; specifically address these and questions and more: -What characteristics of jobs are the most stressful; what characteristics reduce stress? -Why do work organizations structure some jobs to be highly stressful and some jobs to be much less stressful? Is work in a bureaucracy really more stressful? -How is occupational “status” occupational “power” and “authority” related to the stressfulness of work? -How does the “segmentation” of labor markets by occupation, industry, race, gender, and citizenship maintain disparities in job stress? - Why is unemployment stressful to workers who don’t lose their jobs? -How do public policies on employment status, collective bargaining, overtime affect job stress? -Is work in the current “Post (neo) Fordist” era of work more or less stressful than work during the “Fordist” era? In addition to providing a new way to understand the sociological causes of job stress and mental health, the model that the authors provide has broad applications to further study of this important area of research. This volume will be of key interest to sociologists and other researchers studying social stratification, public health, political economy, institutional and organizational theory.

Invaluable guidance and advice for creating positive change in social policy Edited by a team of renowned experts, Connecting Social Welfare Policy to Fields of Practice features contributions from leaders in this field providing a variety of perspectives on different topics. This visionary guide equips social workers to proactively engage in policy practice to influence specific policies. Designed as a social welfare policy practice text for undergraduate and graduate students in social work programs, this book meets the Council on Social Work Education's (CSWE) Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards (EPAS). Each chapter begins with an overarching question and "what if" scenarios, and ends with a set of suggested key terms, online resources, and discussion questions. Connecting Social Welfare Policy to Fields of Practice addresses specific populations within a wide variety of practice arenas, including: Social welfare policy and politics Aging in the United States Public mental health policy in the United States Disability policy development Health-care policy Urban housing policy Child welfare policy Redefining the welfare state in a global economy Global in context, Connecting Social Welfare Policy to Fields of Practice encourages those in the social work profession to become directly engaged with individuals, families, groups, and communities in the crafting of impartial public policies for marginalized members of society.

Evidence-Based Practice in Clinical Social Work introduces the key ideas of evidence-based clinical social work practice and their thoughtful application. It intends to inform practitioners and to address the challenges and needs faced in real world practice. This book lays out the many strengths of the EBP model, but also offers perspectives on its limitations and challenges. An appreciative but critical perspective is offered throughout. Practical issues (agency supports, access to research resources, help in appraising research) are addressed - and some practical solutions offered. Ethical issues in assessment/diagnosis, working with diverse families to make treatment decisions, and delivering complex treatments requiring specific skill sets are also included.

This fully revised and expanded fifth edition of Social Work in Health Settings: Practice in Context maintains its use of the Practice-in-Context (PiC) decision-making framework to explore a wide range of social work services in healthcare settings. The PiC is updated in this edition to attend to social determinants of health and structural conditions. The PiC framework is applied in over 30 case chapters to reflect varied health and social care settings with multiple populations. Fully updated to reflect the landscape of healthcare provision in the US since the Affordable Care Act was reaffirmed in 2020, the cases are grounded by "primer" chapters to illustrate the necessary decisional and foundational skills for best practices in social work in health settings. The cases cover micro through macro level work with individuals, families, groups, and communities across the life course. The PiC framework helps maintain focus on each of the practice decisions a social worker must make when working with a variety of clients (including military veterans, refugees, LGBTQ+ clients). The ideal textbook for social work in healthcare and clinical social work classes, this thought-provoking volume thoroughly integrates social work theory and practice and provides an excellent opportunity for understanding particular techniques and interventions.

This book explores the development of mental health systems in the Pacific Island Countries (PICs) of Samoa and Tonga through an examination of several policy transfer events from the colonial to the contemporary. Beginning in the 1990s, mental health became an area of global policy concern as reflected in concerted international organisation and bilateral aid and development agendas, most notably those of the World Bank, World Health Organization, and the governments of Australia and New Zealand. This book highlights how Tonga and Samoa both reformed their respective mental health systems during these years, after relatively long periods of stagnation. Using recent scholarship concerning public policy transfer, this book explains these policy outcomes and expands it to include consideration of the historical institutional dimensions evidenced by contemporary mental health systems. This book considers three distinct levels of policy implicated in mental health system transfer processes from developed to developing nations: colonial authority and influence; decolonisation processes; and the global development agenda surrounding health systems. In the process, the author argues that there are in fact three levels of policy change that must be accounted for in examining contemporary policy change. These policy levels include formal policy transfers, which tend to be prescriptive, involving professional problem construction and the designation of appropriate state apparatus for curative or custodial care provision; quasi-formal transfers, which tend to be aspirational and involve policy instruments developed through collaborative, participatory processes; and informal transfers that tend to be normative and include practices by professional actors in delivering service merged with traditional cultural beliefs as to disease aetiology as well as reflecting a deep understanding of the cultural context within which the services will be delivered. This book argues that a renewed focus on the importance of public policy and government institutional capacity is necessary to ensure human rights and justice are secured.