Looks at the history and motivation of the Red Brigades, recounts the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, and assesses Italy's anti-terrorist efforts.

The Red Brigades were a far-left terrorist group in Italy formed in 1970 and active all through the 1980s. Infamous around the world for a campaign of assassinations, kidnappings, and bank robberies intended as a "concentrated strike against the heart of the State," the Red Brigades’ most notorious crime was the kidnapping and murder of Italy’s former prime minister Aldo Moro in 1978. In the late 1990s, a new group of violent anticapitalist terrorists revived the name Red Brigades and killed a number of professors and government officials. Like their German counterparts in the Baader-Meinhof Group and today’s violent political and religious extremists, the Red Brigades and their actions raise a host of questions about the motivations, ideologies, and mind-sets of people who commit horrific acts of violence in the name of a utopia. In the first English edition of a book that has won critical acclaim and major prizes in Italy, Alessandro Orsini contends that the dominant logic of the Red Brigades was essentially eschatological, focused on purifying a corrupt world through violence. Only through revolutionary terror, Brigadists believed, could humanity be saved from the putrefying effects of capitalism and imperialism. Through a careful study of all existing documentation produced by the Red Brigades and of all existing scholarship on the Red Brigades, Orsini reconstructs a worldview that can be as seductive as it is horrifying. Orsini has devised a micro-sociological theory that allows him to reconstruct the group dynamics leading to political homicide in extreme-left and neonazi terrorist groups. This "subversive-revolutionary feedback theory" states that the willingness to mete out and suffer death depends, in the last analysis, on how far the terrorist has been incorporated into the revolutionary sect. Orsini makes clear that this political-religious concept of historical development is central to understanding all such self-styled "purifiers of the world." From Thomas Müntzer’s theocratic dream to Pol Pot’s Cambodian revolution, all the violent "purifiers" of the world have a clear goal: to build a perfect society in which there will no longer be any sin and unhappiness and in which no opposition can be allowed to upset the universal harmony. Orsini’s book reconstructs the origins and evolution of a revolutionary tradition brought into our own times by the Red Brigades.

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** Shortlisted for the Military History Matters Book of the Year Award ** 'Magnificent. Narrative history at its vivid and compelling best' Fergal Keane The first major history of the International Brigades: a tale of blood, ideals and tragedy in the fight against fascism. The Spanish Civil War was the first armed battle in the fight against fascism, and a rallying cry for a generation. Over 35,000 volunteers from sixty-one countries around the world came to defend democracy against the troops of Franco, Hitler and Mussolini. Ill-equipped and disorderly, yet fuelled by a shared sense of purpose and potential glory, these disparate groups of idealistic young men and women formed a volunteer army of a size and type unseen since the Crusades, known as the International Brigades. Were they heroes or fools? Saints or bloodthirsty adventurers? And what exactly did they achieve? In this magisterial history, Giles Tremlett tells – for the first time – the story of the Spanish Civil War through the experiences of this remarkable group. Drawing on the Brigades' archives in Moscow, as well as first-hand accounts, The International Brigades captures all the human drama of a historic mission to halt fascist expansion in Europe.

Since the 1970s, Europe's last Marxist-Leninist terroriststhe Greek Revolutionary Organization 17 November have waged a violent campaign against US and NATO personnel, Turkish diplomats and members of the Greeks military and business elite. In May 2000 they assassinated a top British diplomat in Athens in a daring daylight attack. Yet no one suspected of belonging to the organization, let alone of being involved in its terror campaign, has ever been arrested. This is the first book to deal with revolutionary terrorism in Greece. Tracing the history of 17 November, Kassimeris demonstrates how it has persevered with a one-dimensional view of a world peopled by heroes and villains, that has precluded the emergence of a coherent ideology. Combining fanatical nationalism, contempt for the existing order, and the cult of violence for its own sake, 17 November has stubbornly refused to accept that its eclectic belief system is incompatible with modern democratic principles. Unlike Italy's Red Brigades or Germany's Red Army Faction, which both assailed "the capitalist state and its agents," 17 November hopes to create an insurrectionary mood that will propel the Greeks into revolutionary political action without disrupting society as a whole. As such, 17 November's terror campaign has been an audacious protest aimed at discrediting and humiliating the Greek establishment and the US government, but one that has never sought to develop widespread revolutionary guerrilla warfare.

When government consultant Professor Marco Biagi was assassinated in Italy by the New Red Brigades in the aftermath of September 11, the country was transported back 30 years to the violent "Years of Lead." In the 1970s Neo-Fascists planted bombs, Marxist-Leninists kneecapped and assassinated, and ordinary Italians were afraid to go to their offices in the morning. There were over 500 killed by terrorists in those years, thousands wounded, burned, scarred; there are hundreds in jail or who have done time, and thousands still out there, like "Giorgio," having lived decades as clandestine soldiers. The most shocking document of that unstable era and one of the primary source documents in the history of terrorism is this anonymous firsthand narrative of a life devoted to the bloody cause of The Red Brigades. In candid and grim detail, "Giorgio" tells of his "transition to living underground." He coldly narrates his mundane routine that prefigures the methods of al-Quaeda: the long patient shadowing of potential targets (never victim, always "target"), the clinical monitoring of the news for opportunities for destruction, and the relentless study of target companies to identify the strategic personnel to kneecap or assassinate. He describes the succession of events that took him from simple troublemaking to full-fledged terrorism, from a gleeful "proletarian expropriation" of Levis from a Milanese "jeanseria" to shooting at the police in a famous demonstration in which one policeman was killed, and on to outright political assassinations. Fascinating and horrifying to the end, Giorgio's story resonates with the current situation in the United States as much as it did with Italy's when it was first published. A best-seller in Europe and a classic in Italy, this is the first U.S. publication of these uncensored memoirs of an unrepentant terrorist.