Populism and globalization are shorthand for the temper of our times. Populism is usually cast as globalization’s nemesis, a backlash against worldwide connectivity, while globalization is often said to be in retreat or even demise. This book takes issue with both interpretations, claiming instead that while populism of all shades tends to be anti-globalist, the globalism it is pitted against has changed dramatically in recent years and is increasingly decentred, destabilized, contingent, multipolar, and multidirectional. Axford paints a picture of this new globalization and dissects the strains of postmodern populism that both contest it and are its expression. Attention to the current surge of populism also affords purchase on an axial feature of our turbulent and globalized world—the imbrication or antithesis of local and global, of difference and sameness. This is an interdisciplinary examination of populism as a factor in global change, drawing on international politics, sociology, and global studies.

Around the world, populism has weaponized anxieties over globalization and other forms of cultural, social, and economic change. Many populist leaders have succeeded in conflating trade concerns with apprehensions over immigration, thereby creating potent campaigns to overturn existing trade agreements and the multilateral cooperation they embody. In the United States, avowed protectionist Donald Trump set out not only to raise tariffs, but to dismantle the system of global trade embodied in the World Trade Organization. In the UK, the Brexit referendum resulted in that country's withdrawal from the European Union, ending its commitment to trade integration with the continent. Populism and Trade explores the impact of populist regimes on protectionism and the damage they have inflicted on global trade and trade policy institutions. Focusing on the disruption caused by the Trump administration and the Brexit referendum, the book traces the influence of populism on trade policy today. Kent Jones shows how these methods will continue to damage global cooperation--something that is essential when faced with international crises like a deadly pandemic--until the sources of populist anger can be addressed. He argues that economic and institutional reforms, along with better education and adjustment policies, will be necessary to break the populist fever. In an age of global populism, open trade policy has become a victim of anti-globalization and economic nationalism. Populism and Trade traces the impact of these divisive political tactics to explain the fragile nature of global trade institutions and the steps needed to save them.

This book propounds the thesis that it was the dysfunction of globalization and liberalism that prompted the rise of nationalism and populism. Recent developments in global affairs are challenging assumptions and the basis upon which international relations, as a broad field of specialization, and foreign policy analysis, as a sub-field, rests. In a world that is changing in fundamental and irreversible ways, this book intervenes to enable an improved sense of understanding of these developments and what they mean for people-people, state-state, continent-continent, and global relations, moving forward. The author shows anti-globalization and the growth of nationalism and populism have been particularly necessitated by the failures of liberalism and America’s abdication from the world. With reference to Brexit, the pandemic, the US 2020 elections and consequent shifts in power, with a focus on their respective impacts on Africa, and Africa-Sino relations particularly, and developing countries, more broadly, this book situates these discussions within a global context. It effectively illustrates the insufficiency of the West’s soft power, especially as it is foisted or supposedly imposed on the rest of the world without regard to the demands of cultural relativity. Relevant to postgraduate students, researchers, and policymakers, this is must-read within the fields of international relations and political economy.

This book describes the global spread of nationalist-populism by rightwing and racist political parties; their impact on political, economic, and sociocultural globalization; and the corrosive impact of this ideology on the global liberal order that emerged after World War II under United States leadership. The global liberal order is a system of norms including peace and security, democracy, human rights, free trade, financial stability and support for a broad range of international governmental organizations and treaties fostering interstate and transnational cooperation to advance those norms and resolve collective problems. Examples of these organizations are the United Nations, European Union, NATO, World Health Organization, World Trade Organization, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the Paris Climate Accord. Suitable for interested scholars and general readers as well as a classroom text.

After the 2008 financial crisis, the cultural and psychological imprint that was left appears to be almost as deep as the one that followed the Great Depression. Its legacy includes new radical politics on both the left and the right, epidemics of opioid abuse, suicides, low birthrates, and widespread resentment that is racial, gendered, and otherwise by those who felt especially left behind. Most importantly it saw the rise and global spread of populism. Given that so many politicians of such different stripes can be populist, some argue the term is useless, but with so-called populists on the left and right experiencing a resurgence in the 21st century, the term is once again in the spotlight. There is a need for research on this increase in populist politics, the consequences for democracy, and what, if anything, should be done about this movement. Analyzing Current and Future Global Trends in Populism discusses the global rise of populism and anti-elitism through a look at the history of the term, an exploration of modern populism, and the important events and figures in the movement. This book will measure the levels of populism across citizens and political actors, explore populism’s positive consequences, study the rise of populism in national politics, and discuss the future of populism in the 21st century as a major societal movement. This book is ideally intended for professionals and researchers working in the fields of politics, social science, business, and computer science and management, executives in different types of work communities and environments, practitioners, government officials, policymakers, academicians, students, and anyone else interested in populism, the greatest new political and societal movement of the 21st century.

Rather than reaching the “end of ideology” predicted only three decades ago, we find ourselves in the throes of an intensifying ideological struggle over the meaning and direction of globalization. Noted scholar Manfred B. Steger introduces readers to the clashing political belief systems of our time: market globalism, justice globalism, and religious globalism. He shows how these “globalisms” have developed and how their competing ideas articulate and legitimize particular political agendas. He focuses especially on the ways this battle of ideas has been extended through the unexpectedly powerful surge of antiglobalist populism, an ideological contender that stands in tension to pluralist values of liberal democracy. Explaining the origins, impacts, and consequences of the recent populist challenge, Steger considers the future prospects for the established globalisms in what promises to be a tumultuous decade—as global problems such as climate change, pandemics, transnational terrorism, financial crises, and cyber-warfare threaten humanity’s collective future.

New York Times bestseller "A cogent analysis of the concurrent Trump/Brexit phenomena and a dire warning about what lies ahead...a lucid, provocative book." --Kirkus Reviews Those who championed globalization once promised a world of winners, one in which free trade would lift all the world's boats, and extremes of left and right would give way to universally embraced liberal values. The past few years have shattered this fantasy, as those who've paid the price for globalism's gains have turned to populist and nationalist politicians to express fury at the political, media, and corporate elites they blame for their losses. The United States elected an anti-immigration, protectionist president who promised to "put America first" and turned a cold eye on alliances and treaties. Across Europe, anti-establishment political parties made gains not seen in decades. The United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union. And as Ian Bremmer shows in this eye-opening book, populism is still spreading. Globalism creates plenty of both winners and losers, and those who've missed out want to set things right. They've seen their futures made obsolete. They hear new voices and see new faces all about them. They feel their cultures shift. They don't trust what they read. They've begun to understand the world as a battle for the future that pits "us" vs. "them." Bremmer points to the next wave of global populism, one that hits emerging nations before they have fully emerged. As in Europe and America, citizens want security and prosperity, and they're becoming increasingly frustrated with governments that aren't capable of providing them. To protect themselves, many government will build walls, both digital and physical. For instance... * In Brazil and other fast-developing countries, civilians riot when higher expectations for better government aren't being met--the downside of their own success in lifting millions from poverty. * In Mexico, South Africa, Turkey, Indonesia, Egypt and other emerging states, frustration with government is on the rise and political battle lines are being drawn. * In China, where awareness of inequality is on the rise, the state is building a system to use the data that citizens generate to contain future demand for change * In India, the tools now used to provide essential services for people who've never had them can one day be used to tighten the ruling party's grip on power. When human beings feel threatened, we identify the danger and look for allies. We use the enemy, real or imagined, to rally friends to our side. This book is about the ways in which people will define these threats as fights for survival. It's about the walls governments will build to protect insiders from outsiders and the state from its people. And it's about what we can do about it.