Kurdistan, the name given to the Kurds’ historical homeland, is a landlocked region that lies at the crossroads of Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran. After the fall of Ottoman Empire the Kurdish people were promised independence by the treaty of Sevres in 1920. The Kurds are known as a nation without borders and consider as a stateless people. Aftermath of the Arab Spring in 2010, Kurdistan has witnessed an increase in nationalism and a shift in geo-politics. The book examines the various models which could be acceptable solution to the Kurdish problem in West Asian region. It also evaluates the role of the Kurdish diaspora placing Kurdish issue in the international forum. The Kurdish Peshmerga and YPG militia maintains one of the strongest forces confronting against the ISIS in West Asian region.

The book examines several models which have been advocated for a workable and acceptable solution to the Kurdish problem which would be absolutely necessary for stability in the West Asian region. The book evaluates how the more than two-decade long experience of Kurdish self-rule in a democratic framework in Iraqi Kurdistan affects the debate over the other Kurdish regions in West Asia. With Turkey’s European Union accession process contributing to the opening of the political space to ethno-nationalism, there is a need for a non-military solution to the Kurdish issue. The book analyses the role of Kurdish diaspora which plays a significant part in placing the Kurdish question on the European political agenda. It also examines the role of the Kurds in the aftermath of the Arab Spring and the changing geopolitics in the region. Now, the Kurds maintain the strongest platform in battling against the ISIS terrorists.

The Kurds are one of the largest stateless nations in the world, numbering more than 20 million people. Their homeland lies mostly within the present-day borders of Turkey, Iraq and Iran as well as parts of Syria, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Yet until recently the 'Kurdish question' - that is, the question of Kurdish self-determination - seemed, to many observers, dormant. It was only after the so-called Arab Spring, and with the rise of the Islamic State, that they emerged at the centre of Middle East politics. But what is the future of the Kurdish national movement? How do the Kurds themselves understand their community and quest for political representation? This book analyses the major problems, challenges and opportunities currently facing the Kurds. Of particular significance, this book shows, is the new Kurdish society that is evolving in the context of a transforming Middle East. This is made of diverse communities from across the region who represent very different historical, linguistic, political, social and cultural backgrounds that are yet to be understood. This book examines the recent shifts and changes within Kurdish societies and their host countries, and argues that the Kurdish national movement requires institutional and constitutional recognition of pluralism and diversity. Featuring contributions from world-leading experts on Kurdish politics, this timely book combines empirical case studies with cutting-edge theory to shed new light on the Kurds of the 21st century.

Examines how the idea of Kurdistan, as a homeland and a source of national identity, was created within international political history.

The name “Kurdistan” has a long and curious history but it did not become politicized or contentious until the 20th century, particularly after the breakup of the Ottoman Empire and the emergence of new states that incorporated Kurdistan – understood as the “land of the Kurds” – in their new borders. Today the term has received renewed attention as it no longer just signifies an innocuous geographical term or a nationalist dream; it is the name of the political entity in northern Iraq that has many features of statehood but is not, in fact, a state. The Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) is a curious entity indeed; it looks like a state, it acts like a state, but it is not certified as a state through international recognition. The KRI’s current “state capacity” has been the result of a determined state-building project that began nearly two decades ago, and yet it remains somewhere between state and statelessness. Is it in the process of forging an alternative kind of polity? This question has consumed not only the governments of Iraq, Turkey, Iran and Syria – the four main states who house most of the 30 million Kurds who refer to themselves as “a nation without a state” – but also the wider world. The obvious questions that loom large in the minds of many are: what do the Kurds want? What are they really building in northern Iraq? What would an independent Kurdistan look like? Is independence what Kurds seek? If Iraqi Kurdistan seceded from Iraq, what would this mean for Kurds outside of its borders? What would happen to the rest of Iraq? These are certainly pressing questions and there have been many insightful responses in recent years. However, more interesting is how the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is working to sell its very unique state-building project to the rest of the world in its bid to gain international recognition of and support for its venture. This paper analyses the KRG’s marketing campaign, waged not only through the usual diplomatic (or para-diplomatic) channels, but also via the Internet and through its novel development of what can only be described as “nationalist infomercials.” This performative aspect of state-building (literally acting out the state in an attempt to sell sovereignty) may represent both old and new chapters in the history of nationalist movements, but ones that have not yet been adequately theorized. This paper examines the question of a potential Kurdistan through a new lens of analysis that explores not simply the cold, hard struggle for sovereignty, but the softer “para-diplomatic” performances acting as the creative energies that market these struggles to the international community.

This book examines modalities for the recognition and political participation of minorities in plurinational states in theory and in practice, with a specific reference to the Republic of Turkey and the resolution of the Kurdish question. Drawing on the experience of Spain and Eastern Europe and other recent novel models for minority accommodation, including the Ottoman experience of minority autonomy (the Millet System), the volume brings together researchers from Turkey and Europe more broadly to develop an ongoing dialogue that analytically examines various models for national minority accommodation. These models promise to protect the state’s integrity and provide governmental mechanisms that satisfy demands for collective representation of national communities in the framework of a plurinational state.