Students will benefit from the provision of a structured route through the A-Level History process that is clearly explained. The books maintain focus on narrative in a readable style, while presenting additional topical information alongside. The approach concentrates on providing students with the essential information, keeping their attention on important and key issues throughout. The series is extremely cost-effective and can be used alongside any main A-Level topic book or resource. Teachers can use Pathfinder as a multi-role resource that can be used in as many ways as they determine: as an introduction at the start of the course, as a guide throughout a topic, or as a revision guide.

A Primer of Italian Fascism makes available for the first time in English translation the key documents pertaining to one of our century?s defining mass political movements. Whereas existing anthologies survey Fascist writings in a multiplicity of national settings, A Primer of Italian Fascism opts for a tightly focused, in-depth approach that emphasizes the development of Fascist ideology in the country of its birth. ø Historically speaking, Italian Fascism was the original Fascism. The model for subsequent movements including Nazism, Falangism, and Integralism, Italian Fascism set out to define a ?third way? to modernization known as ?corporatism.? A Primer of Italian Fascism situates the rise and fall of corporatist ideals within the framework of the actual history of Mussolini?s movement and regime. It includes not only classic doctrinal statements such as Mussolini?s ?Foundations and Doctrine of Fascism? and writings by corporatist theorists such as Bottai, Pellizzi, Rocco, and Spirito, but also an array of fundamental political and juridical documents, including the party platforms adopted by the Fascist combat brigades, the 1938 Manifesto of Race, the 1940 Manifesto of Verona, and the Fascist labor and school charters. By making available such an extensive array of source texts, A Primer of Italian Fascism aims to open up for the English reader a more complex and complete vision of Fascism, both in Italy and beyond.

This is the first text to examine women and sport in Italy during the period 1861-1945. To qualify and quantify the impact of fascism on Italian Women's sport, the author first of all examines the pre-fascist period in terms of female physical culture. The text then describes how during the fascist era, women moved strictly within a framework designed by medicine and eugenics, religious and traditional education. The country aspired to emancipation, as promised by the fascist revolution but emancipation was hard to advance under the fascist regime because of male hegemonic trends in the country. This book shows how the engagement of women in some sporting activity did promote and support some gender emancipation. The conclusion of the book demonstrates how, in the post-war period, women found it hard to advance further on, for a number of reasons.

This book compares the Italian Fascist and the Spanish Falangist political cultures from the early 1930s to the early 1940s, using the idea of the nation as the focus of the comparison. It argues that the discourse on the nation represented a common denominator between these two manifestations of the fascist phenomenon in Mussolini’s Italy and Franco’s Spain. Exploring the similarities and differences between these two political cultures, this study investigates how Fascist and Falangist ideologues defined and developed their own idea of the nation over time to legitimise their power within their respective countries. It examines to what extent their concept of the nation influenced Italian and Spanish domestic and foreign policies. The book offers a four-level framework for understanding the evolution of the fascist idea of the nation: the ideology of the nation, the imperial projects of Fascism and Falangism, race and the nation, and the place of these cultures in the new Nazi continental order. In doing so, it shows how these ideas of the nation had significant repercussions on fascist political practice.

The anarchist origins of Italian fascism are vividly described in this multiple biography of four anarchists who demonstrated extreme individualist tendencies. Leandro Arpinati began his political career as an anarchist, but went on to lead the Bologna fascists and become Mussolini's Minister of the Interior and the «Second Duce of Fascism.» Massimo Rocca was the extreme anarchist-individualist who goaded Mussolini into openly declaring his stance in favor of intervention in the First World War. Maria Rygier was a leader among the Bologna anarchists who reshaped the revolutionary ideas of the left in terms acceptable to the right. Torquato Nanni helped fuse the left wing of Fascism to the right wing of Bolshevism. All were friends of the young Mussolini, but were among the first to express disillusionment with fascism. By 1934, they had been arrested for «anti-fascist activities» and forced into external or internal exile. Despite Arpinati's and Nanni's participation in the Resistance a decade later, communist partisans assassinated them on the day of Liberation in April 1945. This book's analysis of the motives behind their assassination leads to conclusions about the use of the Myth of the Resistance as a paradigm for government in postwar Italy. It also suggests a model by which political parties have been appended to major personalities according to the degree to which they opposed fascism.

"The Ideology of Fascism" was written by Oswald Mosley in 1967 and provides a post WW2 analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of Fascism as a political doctrine, and utilising its strengths proposes a United Europe, in union with science, as a prime requirement for the 21st Century. "The Doctrine of Fascism" was written by Benito Mussolini and the Italian philosopher Giovanni Gentile. A key concept of which was that fascism was a rejection of previous models: "If the 19th century was the century of the individual we are free to believe that this is the 'collective' century, and therefore the century of the State." Giovanni Gentile was inspired by Italian intellectuals such as Mazzini, Rosmini, Gioberti, and Spaventa from whom he developed the idea of "self-construction," but also was strongly influenced by the German idealist and materialist schools of thought - namely Marx, Hegel, Fichte, and Nietzsche. Gentile was described by Mussolini, as 'the philosopher of Fascism'. Alfredo Rocco developed the economic and political theory of corporatism which would become part of the Fascist Manifesto of the National Fascist Party. Rocco denounced the European powers for imposing foreign culture on Italy and criticized the European powers for endorsing too much liberalism and individualism. The Fascist Manifesto was endorsed by a large number of intellectuals, and writers, including Luigi Pirandello, Gabriele D'Annunzio, Filippo Tommaso Marinetti and Giuseppe Ungaretti.

"For the third edition, De Grand has substantially revised the discussion of culture and ideology, the conclusion, and the bibliography."--BOOK JACKET.