tion addressed by this analysis centers on the reciprocal relation between 1 household domestic and market work efforts. It should be obvious by now that this chapter is not concerned ex plicitly with the contributions of individual members to household or mar ket activity, nor does it examine the mechanisms by which work tasks or time is apportioned among them. To reiterate, households per se are the unit of analysis; the division of labor within, with respect to either household or market activities, is ignored. In this chapter, one must pre tend that the social relations within the household productive unit, which critically shape both the nature of work and its allocation, are hidden from view. To return to the earlier metaphor, households establish a to tal household "pie," made up of all the market and domestic chores that they will undertake and the time required for them. Only after that "pie" is created can it be sliced and the pieces doled out to individual members. 2 The household and market pie defined and described here can be roughly conceptualized as the total productive capacity of the household, or as the result of a pooling of individual talents and resources. Indeed, were a measure of the time available for leisure incorporated into the measure of the pie, the household's full income (budget) constraint (i. e. , the total productive potential of the household) could be described.

Access to Health Care

Looking at the households where Javanese women live and the factories where they labour, Diane Wolf reveals the contradictions, constraints and changes in women's lives in the Third World and identifies the complex dynamics of class, gender, agrarian change and industrialization in rural Java.

This is the story of what came to be known as the "packaged house," one of the few architect-inspired attempts to manufacture and market a prefabricated home. The plan began in the 1940s as a major collaborative effort between Walter Gropius, then at the height of his fame, and Konrad Wachsmann, a rising star-both in exile from their native Germany. For both men, this was the culmination of many years of experience in the field of industrialized housing and an unparalleled opportunity to make their long-cherished dream of a factory-made house a reality. How did this venture, which seemed to have everything going for it, turn out to be such a dismal failure? The answers to that question make this one of the most fascinating studies in the annals of modern architecture. Gilbert Herbert's analysis of the bold undertaking has within it not only the elements of personal drama, as far as Gropius and Wachsmann are concerned, but it unfolds consequences of more drastic significance for the development of industrially-produced housing the world over. Both architects represented a formidable combination of ability and experience; both had contributed significantly to the theory and practice of prefabrication, and had devised a system that was technically impeccable. That "only a small number of these immaculately conceived and engineered houses was actually sold" was not only a great disappointment for them, it was a grave shock to the whole movement for industrially-produced housing. The facts of the Gropius-Wachsmann case—now fully disclosed with extensive visual documentation—are instructive in themselves. But the real significance of this book lies in its ability to relate the facts to the history of industrialized housing and to the modern architect's confrontation with technological, economic, and social forces.

The instant New York Times bestseller about one man's battle to save hundreds of jobs by demonstrating the greatness of American business. The Bassett Furniture Company was once the world's biggest wood furniture manufacturer. Run by the same powerful Virginia family for generations, it was also the center of life in Bassett, Virginia. But beginning in the 1980s, the first waves of Asian competition hit, and ultimately Bassett was forced to send its production overseas. One man fought back: John Bassett III, a shrewd and determined third-generation factory man, now chairman of Vaughan-Bassett Furniture Co, which employs more than 700 Virginians and has sales of more than $90 million. In Factory Man, Beth Macy brings to life Bassett's deeply personal furniture and family story, along with a host of characters from an industry that was as cutthroat as it was colorful. As she shows how he uses legal maneuvers, factory efficiencies, and sheer grit and cunning to save hundreds of jobs, she also reveals the truth about modern industry in America.

tion addressed by this analysis centers on the reciprocal relation between 1 household domestic and market work efforts. It should be obvious by now that this chapter is not concerned ex plicitly with the contributions of individual members to household or mar ket activity, nor does it examine the mechanisms by which work tasks or time is apportioned among them. To reiterate, households per se are the unit of analysis; the division of labor within, with respect to either household or market activities, is ignored. In this chapter, one must pre tend that the social relations within the household productive unit, which critically shape both the nature of work and its allocation, are hidden from view. To return to the earlier metaphor, households establish a to tal household "pie," made up of all the market and domestic chores that they will undertake and the time required for them. Only after that "pie" is created can it be sliced and the pieces doled out to individual members. 2 The household and market pie defined and described here can be roughly conceptualized as the total productive capacity of the household, or as the result of a pooling of individual talents and resources. Indeed, were a measure of the time available for leisure incorporated into the measure of the pie, the household's full income (budget) constraint (i. e. , the total productive potential of the household) could be described.

How the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company shaped the social, ethnic, and economic existence of Manchester, New Hampshire during America's rise as a manufacturing power.