The separation of powers doctrine is undoubtedly one of the key principles of contemporary constitutionalism. Despite this, it has not been framed into a single, homogeneous, and thus universal form. The abundance of approaches and nuances found in legal and political doctrine makes it an extremely labile and meandering concept, which can take on a variety of shapes. Its legislative articulation is by no means uniform, and thus reproducible, either. The separation of powers in constitutional law is therefore expressed in a broad array of formulas, sometimes explicitly, sometimes implicitly. In addition, it can take on a classic, almost model form, or it can be shaped in a significantly altered manner compared to what we used to call its model […] …the dispersion of ideas about what the separation of powers is, where it originates or how to best frame and apply it in legislation and practice does not deprive the separation of powers of the nature of a timeless general notion that underlies the very concept of the division of power. After all, the impulse to formulate the assumptions for the separation of powers was in each case triggered by the desire to eliminate the vesting of unlimited or excessive power in an individual or a narrow, oligarchised group. Therefore, its essence and also the main advantage is, first of all, protection against the despotism of power, which translates into the specific benefit of consolidation of institutional guarantees of civil rights and liberties through the attribution of individual power functions to different branches of government, and then their clear separation”. MARCIN ROMANOWSKI, Separation of Powers: Meanders of Doctrine and Legislation

The establishment of electoral systems in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan presents both a complex set of empirical puzzles and a theoretical challenge. Why did three states with similar cultural, historical, and structural legacies establish such different electoral systems? How did these distinct outcomes result from strikingly similar institutional design processes? Explaining these puzzles requires understanding not only the outcome of institutional design but also the intricacies of the process that led to this outcome. Moreover, the transitional context in which these three states designed new electoral rules necessitates an approach that explicitly links process and outcome in a dynamic setting. This book provides such an approach. Finally, it both builds on the key insights of the dominant approaches to explaining institutional origin and change and transcends these approaches by moving beyond the structure versus agency debate.

The Industrial Revolution brought into being a distinct world, a world of greater affluence, longevity and mobility, an urban rather than a rural world. But the great surge of economic growth was balanced against severe constraints on the opportunities for expansion, revealing an intriguing paradox. This book, published to considerable critical acclaim, explores the paradox and attempts to provide a distinct model' of the changes that comprised the industrial revolution.

In the second edition of his essential book—which incorporates vital new information and new material on immigration, race, gender, and the social crisis following 2008—Michael Zweig warns that by allowing the working class to disappear into categories of "middle class" or "consumers," we also allow those with the dominant power, capitalists, to vanish among the rich. Economic relations then appear as comparisons of income or lifestyle rather than as what they truly are—contests of power, at work and in the larger society.

This major new handbook provides the definitive and comprehensive analysis of the UN and will be an essential point of reference for all those working on or in the organization.

The author is convinced that there is a ruling class in America today. He examines the American power structure as it has developed in the 1980s. He presents systematic, empirical evidence that a fixed group of privileged people dominates the American economy and government. The book demonstrates that an upper class comprising only one-half of one percent of the population occupies key positions within the corporate community. It shows how leaders within this "power elite" reach government and dominate it through processes of special-interest lobbying, policy planning and candidate selection. It is written not to promote any political ideology, but to analyze our society with accuracy.