Much has been written about how civil society challenges authoritarian governments and helps lead the way to democratization. These studies show that neoliberal economic policies have harmed many sectors of society, weakening the state and undermining clientelistic relationships that previously provided material benefits to middle- and low-income citizens, who are then motivated to organize coalitions to work for greater social justice and equality. Recognizing this important role played by civil society organizations, Jon Shefner goes further and analyzes the variegated nature of the interests represented in these coalitions, arguing that the differences among civil society actors are at least as important as their similarities in explaining how they function and what success, or lack thereof, they have experienced. Through an ethnographic examination extending over a decade, Shefner tells the story of how a poor community on the urban fringe of Guadalajara mobilized through an organization called the Unión de Colonos Independientes (UCI) to work for economic improvement with the support of Jesuits inspired by liberation theology. Yet Mexico’s successful formal democratic transition, won with the elections in 2000, was followed by the dissolution of the coalition. Neither political access for the urban poor, nor their material well-being, has increased with democratization. The unity and even the concept of civil society has thus turned out to be an illusion.

This book improves understandings of how and why clientelism endures in Latin America and why state policy is often ineffective. Political scientists and sociologists, the contributors employ ethnography, targeted interviews, case studies, within-case and regional comparison, thick descriptions, and process tracing.

This book is the first of its kind to offer an understanding, analysis, and prediction of the state of civil society in Bangladesh in relation to development and democracy. It is a research attempt to reveal the paradox found in developing countries like Bangladesh where there are numerous and active civil society organizations (CSOs) that have had almost no influence in consolidating democracy. This book, however, also qualifies the normative assumption on the positive relationship between civil society and democracy asserted by the mainstream neo-Tocquevillean School that has a profound influence on donor policies. Readers are introduced to civil society in Bangladesh from a broad perspective. Rather than confining the analysis to NGOs, chapters explore the origin, nature, and function of both modern and conventional CSOs, which helps to provide a more authentic understanding of the genuine state of civil society in relation to other actors in the political system. Combining survey data analyses and empirical observations with carefully chosen case studies, the book reveals that CSOs participate very actively in social services. This research also reveals that these highly active CSOs in the field of social development lack the necessary attributes for ensuring participation, proper interest articulation and monitoring of the state. Through systematic analysis, the book shows that political structures—and for Bangladesh, particularly political parties—along with vertical social relationships such as clientelism, patronage, nepotism, and corruption have contributed to a non-vigilant civil society in Bangladesh, although it often is spoken of in different terms. This book is highly recommended for researchers, students, and development practitioners interested in South Asia as well as in understanding the potentials and limitations of civil society in relation to development and democracy. Farhat Tasnim's book is a comprehensive treatment of civil society in Bangladesh. It will serve as a useful resource for future researchers in this field for a long time to come. Harry Blair, Yale University, USA Farhat Tasnim provides in this book a new perspective on one of the essential cases of civil society study, Bangladesh. Her penetrating analysis of the relationship of civil society organizations and democracy in Bangladesh should attract a wide readership. This is an important book not only for students of Bangladesh, but for scholars and practitioners interested in the relationship of civil society organizations and democracy. Robert J. Pekkanen, University of Washington, USA

Democracy for Sale is an on-the-ground account of Indonesian democracy, analyzing its election campaigns and behind-the-scenes machinations. Edward Aspinall and Ward Berenschot assess the informal networks and political strategies that shape access to power and privilege in the messy political environment of contemporary Indonesia. In post-Suharto Indonesian politics the exchange of patronage for political support is commonplace. Clientelism, argue the authors, saturates the political system, and in Democracy for Sale they reveal the everyday practices of vote buying, influence peddling, manipulating government programs, and skimming money from government projects. In doing so, Aspinall and Berenschot advance three major arguments. The first argument points toward the role of religion, kinship, and other identities in Indonesian clientelism. The second explains how and why Indonesia's distinctive system of free-wheeling clientelism came into being. And the third argument addresses variation in the patterns and intensity of clientelism. Through these arguments and with comparative leverage from political practices in India and Argentina, Democracy for Sale provides compelling evidence of the importance of informal networks and relationships rather than formal parties and institutions in contemporary Indonesia.

This book charts the evolution of clientelist practices in several western European countries. Through the historical and comparative analysis of countries as diverse as Sweden and Greece, England and Spain, France and Italy, Iceland and the Netherlands, the authors study both the "supply-side" and the "demand-side" of clientelism. This approach contends that clientelism is a particular mix of particularism and universalism, in which interests are aggregated at the level of the individual and his family "particularism," but in which all interests can potentially find expression and accommodation in "universalism."

This book introduces radically alternative models of civil society that have been developed outside the liberal democratic frame of reference, models which suggest that civil society does offer new and non-statist democratic possibilities. Drawing on a wide range of civil society theory-practice from Eastern Europe and Latin America (including the Zapatistas in Mexico), and from visions of global civil society too, this book is uniquely positioned to consider the questions posed by these alternative voices for democratic theory and practice. * Are there alternatives to the liberal democratic vision of civil society? * Is a democracy located in civil society rather than the state either possible or desirable? * How and why has the concept of civil society come to be used so widely today? * Can global civil society further the struggle for democracy initiated by national civil societies?