Juhana Aunesluoma considers the ways in which Scandinavia's, in particular neutral Sweden's, relationship was forged with the Western powers after the Second World War. He argues that during the early cold war Britain had a special role in Scandinavia and in the ways in which Western oriented neutrality became a part of the international system. New evidence is presented on British, American and Swedish foreign and defence policies regarding neutrality in the cold war.

Britain and the Cold War, 1945-1964 offers new perspectives on ways in which Britain fought the Cold War, and illuminates key areas of the policy formulation process. It argues that in many ways Britain and the United States perceived and handled the threat posed by the Communist bloc in similar terms: nevertheless, Britain's continuing global commitments, post-war economic problems and somestic considerations obliged her on occasion to tackle the threat rather differently.

Great Britain was neutral Switzerland's main supplier of heavy weaponry during the early Cold War. Marco Wyss analyses this armaments relationship against the background of Anglo-Swiss relations between 1945 and 1958, and thereby assesses the role of arms transfers, neutrality and Britain, as well as the two countries' political, economic and military relations. By using multi-archival research, the author discovers "traits of specialness" in the Anglo-Swiss relationship, analyses the incentives for Berne's weapons purchases and London's arms sales, sheds new light on the Cold War arms transfer system and the motivations of the participating states, and questions the sustainability of neutrality during the East-West conflict, as well as Britain's role from a western neutral and small power perspective.

This sweeping reference work covers every aspect of the Cold War, from its ignition in the ashes of World War II, through the Berlin Wall and the Cuban Missile Crisis, to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The Cold War superpower face-off between the Soviet Union and the United States dominated international affairs in the second half of the 20th century and still reverberates around the world today. This comprehensive and insightful multivolume set provides authoritative entries on all aspects of this world-changing event, including wars, new military technologies, diplomatic initiatives, espionage activities, important individuals and organizations, economic developments, societal and cultural events, and more. This expansive coverage provides readers with the necessary context to understand the many facets of this complex conflict. The work begins with a preface and introduction and then offers illuminating introductory essays on the origins and course of the Cold War, which are followed by some 1,500 entries on key individuals, wars, battles, weapons systems, diplomacy, politics, economics, and art and culture. Each entry has cross-references and a list of books for further reading. The text includes more than 100 key primary source documents, a detailed chronology, a glossary, and a selective bibliography. Numerous illustrations and maps are inset throughout to provide additional context to the material.

Since 1815, Denmark and Britain have lived in peace with each other. From the last half of the 19th century, massive British imports of Danish agricultural products gave Britain a central role in the Danish economy, likewise in the 20th century, British efforts in the two world wars became of crucial importance to Denmark's position in relation to Germany and, later, the Soviet Union. In the same period, the emergence of English as the first foreign language in Denmark facilitated the increasingly closer human and cultural contacts between the two countries. Britain and Denmark, written by Danish and British historians, constitutes the first attempt to provide a comprehensive picture of the roles that these two neighbouring countries have played in the lives of each other during the last two centuries. They are different in size and have had very different global and regional orientations. So, naturally, Britain has always loomed larger in Danish life and politics than the other way round. In many areas, however, relations have been close. The book covers contacts relating to trade, security policies and social and political theory, but also touch on mutual influences within the areas of literature, music, design etc. Most treatments of Danish political and cultural relations with the outside world in this period concentrate on Germany for the period up to 1945, and on the Soviet Union and the USA in the post-war world. In the same way, works on British contemporary history rarely devote much space to relations with the Nordic countries. The aim, therefore, of this book is to provide a supplement, and perhaps corrective, to the existing literature on the international positions of Britain and Denmark in the modern world.

The twentieth century in Europe witnessed some of the most brutish episodes in history. Yet it also saw incontestable improvements in the conditions of existence for most inhabitants of the continent - from rising living standards and dramatically increased life expectancy, to the virtual elimination of illiteracy, and the advance of women, ethnic minorities, and homosexuals to greater equality of respect and opportunity. It was a century of barbarism and civilization, of cruelty and tenderness, of technological achievement and environmental spoliation, of imperial expansion and withdrawal, of authoritarian repression - and of individualism resurgent. Covering everything from war and politics to social, cultural, and economic change, Barbarism and Civilization is by turns grim, humorous, surprising, and enlightening: a window on the century we have left behind and the earliest years of its troubled successor.

Glen O'Hara draws a compelling picture of Second World War Britain by investigating relations between people and government: the electorate's rising expectations and demands for universally-available social services, the increasing complexity of the new solutions to these needs, and mounting frustration with both among both governors and governed.